Saturday, 25 September 2021

News from the Arizona Audit

 


Yesterday, the long awaited results of the Arizona audit were released. This is part of 1 article from The Gateway Pundit about the audit, there's many more from yesterday on TGP's website.

Dr. V.A. Shiva Ayyadurai shared the explosive results from his team’s analysis of the Early Advance Ballot (EVB) envelopes as the first presenter at the Arizona Senate hearing on the results of the 2020 election in Maricopa County.

During his presentation, he gave evidence of over 17,000 duplicate votes that were illegally counted in the final certified tally.

When Dr. Shiva refers to “duplicate ballots,” he means “voters sent in 2 or more ballots” that were counted.

According to Dr. Shiva, there was a massive surge of duplicate ballots AFTER the polls closed on election day. Between November 4th and November 9th, “25-30%” of all double votes were received by election officials, eventually getting counted in the final total.

Curious timing, no?

Dr. Shiva and his research team were able to track the timing of the duplicate ballots by looking at the timestamps of all Early Voting Ballots that were received by election officials.

What they found appears to be evidence of coordinated fraud. 

To make the data easier to digest, his team built a graph that shows when every early ballot was received, starting on 10/9/2020 – when the first ballot was sent in.

When the researchers layered in the duplicate ballot submissions, the results jump clearly off the screen. 

As you can see in the photo below, the orange-colored line representing the ‘duplicate ballots’ breaks away from the baseline total that it had been closely mirroring and skyrockets upward.

Also, notice how there is a slight spike in duplicates ballots at each point where the mail-in count drops – Very odd, it’s almost as if the Maricopa election officials were able to get some free time to find a couple of extras in the printer.

The calculated ‘anomaly’ after election day that Dr. Shiva uncovered doesn’t only include duplicate ballots, it also includes a large increase in the number of ballots that had either no signature (Red line) or a “scribble”(Green line) on the verification envelope.

Keep in mind, the majority of early mail-in ballots were received during the weeks LEADING UP TO election day, the fact that so many came in after polls should be investigated.

To make it even easier for people to visualize the unbelievable flip, Dr. Shiva changed the type of graph and showed how the signed ballots that were arriving in the weeks leading up to the election compared to the ones arriving a few days after – and no surprise, more blatant signs of fraud. 

The 17,000+ votes are enough on their own to nullify Biden’s narrow ‘victory’ in Arizona. The State needs to DECERTIFY NOW.

Secret Service and the Queen: A Few Good Stories

On Her Majesty's REAL secret service: The day the SAS set Diana's hair on fire, how the IRA came close to killing the Queen, and how she helped spy chiefs win over an Iraqi princess - as book reveals the royals' most dramatic moments with true-life Bonds

The Queen watched and waited in the darkened room. Suddenly, an explosion rang out and an assault team burst inside, springing, diving and rolling across the floor, firing bullets inches from her nose.

She remained, according to one witness, ‘absolutely unperturbed’.

The drama was, thankfully, not real. This was a demonstration put on for the benefit of Her Majesty in the so-called Killing Room at SAS headquarters in Hereford where troopers train to deal with hostage situations. If it ever came to it, this is how they would rescue her.

In the pitch black, nothing could be seen but flashes of gunfire, and, as the tension soared, she did look nervously towards the exits. But even now ‘her stiff upper lip never quivered’.

Charles too would have his day at the SAS Killing House, to be familiarised with exactly what would happen if he and Diana ever needed to be rescued.

The Queen’s fascination with spies and special forces may come as a surprise to many people, though they might have got an inkling from the day in July 2012 when the world’s most iconic intelligence officer very publicly arrived at Buckingham Palace

The Queen’s fascination with spies and special forces may come as a surprise to many people, though they might have got an inkling from the day in July 2012 when the world’s most iconic intelligence officer very publicly arrived at Buckingham Palace

The SAS mocked up an assault on a building containing hostages, using three Range Rovers that carried ladders.

Troopers, it was explained to them, would quickly exit the vehicles, scale the ladders and throw special stun grenades, before freeing the hostages and killing the terrorists. The adventure-loving Diana was delighted and volunteered to drive one of the Range Rovers.

The exercise started and the Princess roared up to the building at top speed. Unfortunately, she hadn’t fully closed her side window, and when the flash-bangs started to go off, a pellet came in and stuck in her hair — which caught fire.

The officer with her quickly brushed it away and started patting the Princess’s hair to stop it burning, while Prince Charles and his entourage laughed their heads off.

On a more serious note, the SAS stands in permanent readiness to go into action in the event of a royal kidnapping. After an intruder named Michael Fagan made his way into the Queen’s bedroom at Buckingham Palace in 1982, the SAS target-mapped the whole network of royal palaces.

Every room in every palace was photographed from multiple directions so that if they ever needed to storm Sandringham or abseil down the front of Buckingham Palace, the troopers would know the precise layout of each room and exact position of each chair or sofa.

In addition, a special police station was built inside the grounds of Buckingham Palace. More like a military bunker and screened by a mound of earth and a row of trees, it has a direct line to the SAS including a series of codewords to indicate the seriousness of any incident.

Marcus Sarjeant stepped out of the crowd and, unable to get hold of a real gun, shot a starting pistol at close range as the Queen rode side-saddle from Buckingham Palace to Horse Guards Parade

Marcus Sarjeant stepped out of the crowd and, unable to get hold of a real gun, shot a starting pistol at close range as the Queen rode side-saddle from Buckingham Palace to Horse Guards Parade

Even so, the Palace defences may not be watertight. After the Fagan incident, a team from the SAS made five attempts to enter Buckingham Palace covertly to test its enhanced security.

Apparently, each of the five attempts succeeded and in the final raid they managed to lift a small silver ‘trophy’. Efforts to return the trophy failed, since the Palace ‘denied all knowledge’.

The Queen’s fascination with spies and special forces may come as a surprise to many people, though they might have got an inkling from the day in July 2012 when the world’s most iconic intelligence officer very publicly arrived at Buckingham Palace. 

Dressed in his trademark tuxedo, he skipped up the central red staircase and, flanked by the royal corgis, entered a gilded room. At a desk in the corner sat the Queen.

‘Good evening, Mr Bond,’ she said, before he followed her down the stairs and headed towards a helicopter outside. Moments later, 007 and the Queen jumped from the aircraft in a dramatic parachute drop towards the Olympic Park stadium in East London.

The crowd gasped as they vanished from sight, before the Queen reappeared, wearing the same pink dress, in the royal box.

The sequence — involving stunt doubles for the dangerous bits —was the stunning highlight of the London Olympic Games opening ceremony. In more than 50 years of Bond films, the paths of 007 and the Royal Family have frequently crossed. 

Indeed, Buckingham Palace once tried to recruit Bond author Ian Fleming as a speech-writer but he turned down the offer because of a clash of personalities with the equerries he would have to deal with.

In the spring of 1981, she and Prince Philip visited the Shetland Islands for the opening of an oil terminal. But there was a major security failure when dense fog prevented many police officers from leaving the mainland in time to ‘sterilise’ the area

In the spring of 1981, she and Prince Philip visited the Shetland Islands for the opening of an oil terminal. But there was a major security failure when dense fog prevented many police officers from leaving the mainland in time to ‘sterilise’ the area

These momentary connections are far from fantasy and, instead, capture a fleeting glimpse of Britain’s most secret partnership — the British monarchy and the secret services.

Like her predecessors, the Queen is no stranger to the real world of spies. Nor is she shy about expressing her opinion. Shortly after ascending the throne in 1952, she was discussing a troublesome Middle Eastern leader with officials and quipped about assassinating him. She is said to have expressed her surprise that ‘nobody had found means of putting something in his coffee’.

What’s more, as a young queen at the height of the Cold War, she soon found herself dragged into international intrigue and spy scandals. Through it all, she was, as one of her prime minsters Harold Macmillan put it, ‘incredibly well informed’.

The result is that, 70 years later, she is a human library of intelligence history. Acquired over decades of reading intelligence documents, she knows more state secrets than any living person.

She knew about the British nuclear weapons programme at a remarkably early stage. And she knew more about the Soviet mole, Anthony Blunt, still in her employment as Surveyor of the Queen’s Pictures, than the prime minister.

Wild rumours Royals adored

The Royal Archives at Windsor are vast, partly because they are fed by the Government machine. Diplomats all around the world are encouraged to report to the royals about royals.

Warwick Morris, a lowly third secretary in Paris in the early 1970s, recalls that there was much to tell. Many French people were fascinated by the British Royal Family, having done away with their own in the French Revolution.

Certain French newspapers and magazines such as France Dimanche and Paris Match, as well as the more sensational ones, featured articles every week about the royals. ‘These included outrageous and fictitious ones, like the whole Everton football team having been in Princess Anne’s bedroom at Buckingham Palace, or the Queen Mother being dead and having a living double,’ recalls Morris.

The British Embassy used to send a selection of ‘these scurrilous stories’ to Buckingham Palace from time to time.

Never having got any reaction, they eventually wrote proposing to stop. Suddenly a reply came: ‘No, please don’t. The Family derives huge entertainment and amusement from what you send. Keep them coming!’

The fact is that the Royal Family and the secret services have much in common. They are two of Britain’s most important institutions. They are small and secretive. They feature prominently in the popular imagination. They are heavily mythologised and often misunderstood.

Our researches in the archives show for the first time precisely how close their relationship is. At last some light has begun to penetrate into how they operate together.

During World War II, King George VI was privy to all the military secrets in the land. His daughter has continued her father’s fastidious interest in secret statecraft, notably in the weekly intelligence assessments she gets in her Red Boxes.

She is totally discreet about their For-HM-Eyes Only contents. She also has face-to-face contact with her intelligence services, regularly meeting their heads to be briefed in person.

Lips are sealed about these encounters. When Stella Rimington, the first publicly named leader of MI5, attended lunch at Buckingham Palace, the royal household helped her to escape by the back door in order to avoid the assembled reporters desperate to know what a monarch might say to a spy chief. 

She also meets particularly brave intelligence agents from MI6 and MI5 — those who have secretly, and without public credit, risked their lives for her country.

Oleg Gordievsky, the remarkable agent who provided such valuable intelligence on the Soviets in the latter Cold War, was rewarded with a CMG (Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George), which is in the sovereign’s personal gift.

The two MI6 officers who physically exfiltrated him from Russia via Finland were also treated to a private audience to tell her their hair-raising story. Each was awarded a secret OBE — being told that they could not reveal their decoration for ten years.

She has also from time to time directly been involved in secret Government manoeuvrings. In the late 1950s, Britain’s influence in the Middle East was declining as nationalism spread and, behind the scenes, the secret services were working frantically to stop the rot.

Iraq, a state with a young constitutional monarch, was Britain’s closest ally in the region but its ruler, 23-year-old King Faisal, was being nudged in an anti-British direction by his beautiful bride-to-be, Princess Fadhila.

Just 16, she was a pupil at Heathfield School, near Ascot, and, through the Foreign Office, the King’s pro-British uncle urged the Queen to take the girl under her wing. 

Creating a favourable impression of England would pay dividends in years to come, the Queen was advised. She agreed to play her part, inviting Fadhila to Windsor Castle and taking her to the Ascot races as part of a charm offensive to win her over. It seemed to be working — until a few weeks later a military coup in Iraq ousted Faisal and he was killed.

Princess Fadhila was not in Baghdad at the time as she was preparing for her wedding to Faisal the next day, and so escaped with her life. However, her long-term utility to the British died amid the gunfire. The Queen had done her best but to no avail.

However, her Majesty’s main interaction with the intelligence services has been over protection — for her and her closest family. This has never been easy because she has strict rules on what she will and will not agree to.

The Queen was unhappy about a 1986 proposal to erect barriers around Buckingham Palace, including the Queen Victoria memorial, which security authorities warned could be used as an excellent sniper position.

But she refused to be hidden from the public. Early on in her reign, she decided that the institution of royalty would wither and die if its current placeholders locked themselves away in a tower or hid behind lines of armour and shields.

She created all sorts of problems for her silent sentinels by demanding to be accessible and visible even in an era of rising international terrorism.

She insists on being driven slowly through crowds of onlookers to give them a chance to see her — unlike many other heads of state who rush past at top speed to avoid being a target. Nor does she have motorcycle outriders to escort her because they would obscure her from the people.

Not all in the Royal Family are as accommodating. One day, returning in her modest motorcade through London to Buckingham Palace, the Queen found herself inexplicably stuck in traffic.

Suddenly there was the wail of police sirens and a long procession of motorcycle outriders came into view followed by a Rolls-Royce travelling at high speed.

It was Princess Michael of Kent, known within the family as ‘Princess Pushy’. The moment confirmed the Queen’s view that there were too many ‘minor royals’.

Given her refusal to shut herself off, her protection (and that of her family) is hugely dependent on secret intelligence and advance warning. A number of plots against Queen Elizabeth have got too close for comfort.

In the spring of 1981, she and Prince Philip visited the Shetland Islands for the opening of an oil terminal. But there was a major security failure when dense fog prevented many police officers from leaving the mainland in time to ‘sterilise’ the area.

As the national anthem played, an IRA bomb exploded in a power station just 500 yards from the Queen. It was a damp squib: few people even noticed; no injuries were inflicted and the Queen was decidedly unruffled, not least because she had no idea that a bomb had exploded until later.

The IRA were disappointed. They had hoped to disrupt the ceremony at the very least, but still boasted afterwards to have successfully breached the Queen’s security. They added that the Queen would have been assassinated had the bomb been closer. They had a point.

There was a further narrow squeak the following month when a fame-hungry teenager fired six blanks at her during the Trooping the Colour ceremony. Marcus Sarjeant stepped out of the crowd and, unable to get hold of a real gun, shot a starting pistol at close range as the Queen rode side-saddle from Buckingham Palace to Horse Guards Parade.

It was nothing more than a fantasy assassination, but for a moment it appeared very real as, for a split second, the Queen had stared down the barrel of Sarjeant’s gun.

Later the same year, while touring New Zealand, the Queen came closer to being assassinated when, as she stepped out of her Rolls-Royce, teenager Christopher Lewis fired a rifle towards her from a deserted toilet cubicle five storeys above. The bullet missed.

The cubicle had not been Lewis’s first choice of location. A police search had forced him to delay his plans a few days earlier. His original choice of shooting position was far better — and he would likely have hit the Queen. The authorities in New Zealand, embarrassed by the failure of its royal protection, played down the incident.

They told the British Press the loud bang was caused by a traffic sign falling over, then, fumbling with the cover-up, changed their story to firecrackers.

As for British security authorities, they did not learn that anything had even happened at all until Lewis was jailed.

Rather than trying him for treason or assassination, prosecutors downgraded the charges to discharging a firearm in a public place, on the tenuous grounds that he had not been able to find a suitable vantage point to kill the Queen.

But an unsolved mystery still hangs over this incident. Local intelligence discreetly investigated the assassination attempt but the authorities there never revealed Lewis’s true intent, perhaps fearing the Queen would not return to the country if she knew what had really gone on...

Not long after, it was Prince Charles in the firing line as the IRA tried to assassinate him and Princess Diana during a royal gala headlined by Duran Duran and Dire Straits at the Dominion Theatre in Central London.

Terrorist leaders, desperate for revenge after the death of ten hunger strikers, instructed Sean O’Callaghan to plant a bomb near the royal box.

Fortunately for Charles and Diana, O’Callaghan was an informant working for the Irish police. But they were unsure about how far to let the planning develop before stepping in to make arrests. Going in too early would deprive them of evidence; going in too late would risk royal lives.

To make matters worse, the Irish police feared losing control of the plot and so refused to tell their British colleagues. They hoped to make the arrests before O’Callaghan set foot in England by raiding an IRA meeting in Dublin, finding incriminating evidence, and convicting everyone present of IRA membership.

Unfortunately, the police bungled the arrests by making so much noise outside the door that the targets had ample time to burn incriminating documents.

Without sufficient evidence, all bar one received bail. Remarkably, O’Callaghan still had the opportunity to travel to England and reached London with a false passport, fake driving licence and £2,000 cash.

He even got as far as the flimsy royal box inside the old theatre. The plan was to plant a bomb in the men’s toilet directly behind the box. 

O’Callaghan knew that such a bomb would certainly kill the Prince and Princess — and many others too. He needed to find a way out without making the IRA suspicious of him.

With the explosives due to arrive in London in five days, the Irish police finally briefed Scotland Yard, which, in turn, leaked a story to the Press that an IRA assassination team, headed by a man nicknamed The Jackal, had arrived in England.

The revelation prevented O’Callaghan from going ahead and allowed him to quietly leave England with his cover still intact.

Duran Duran only found out about the plot years later. The band’s drummer Roger Taylor described being told about it as the ‘scariest moment’ of his life.

Friday, 24 September 2021

Bad to Worse: Haitian "Refugees" invading Texas were living in Chile

EXCLUSIVE: Better than living under a bridge: Inside the ramshackle refugee camps in Chile where thousands of Haitians lived before marching to US border to camp in fetid conditions under Del Rio bridge

  • Many of the Haitians who turned up in Del Rio, Texas were living in Santiago, Chile, in ramshackle migrant camps made up of wooden shacks with tin roofs 
  • Nearly 15,000 Haitian migrants embarked on a treacherous journey to the US border through South America, only to find themselves living in worse conditions then the ones they left behind 
  • The massive migrant caravan set off for Del Rio, Texas after learning they could cross the border for free after Biden reversed Trump's border policy
  • They traveled up from South America through Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and Guatemala before landing in a camp across the Mexican border in Tapachula
  • 'When Biden got in, word went out and they decided, we're coming now. That was the decision point,' migration expert Todd Bensman told DailyMail.com 
  • 'Joe Biden opened the border so we decided we could upgrade our lifestyle,' the migrants told him
  • They flocked to the entry point at  Del Rio International Bridge in Texas after hearing they could cross the border there for free
  • Todd Bensman, of the Center for Immigration Studies, said the lack of smuggling fees has made Del Rio crossing the cheapest on the border 

When thousands of Haitian nationals embarked on the treacherous journey to the US border through South America, they set off with hopes of finding better living conditions than the ones they left behind at ramshackle refugee camps in Chile.   

But when the massive migrant caravan crossed the Rio Grande into Del Rio, Texas earlier this month, they found themselves going from bad to worse, with 15,000 of them being forced to take shelter under a bridge in dirty makeshift tents in 100-degree heat. 

They'd soon be dealt another cruel blow, as the majority are now facing deportation to their impoverished island homeland, where many of them have not lived for several years. 

DailyMail.com has learned that many of the Haitians who made the trek to the US border were actually living in Brazil and the capital city of Santiago, Chile, where they were placed in shanty migrant camps after being granted asylum years ago.     

The settlements, made up of small wooden shacks with tin roofs, aren't far off from the conditions they faced in their homeland, but are now better than the squalid encampments they are living in in the US.

This is one of the Haitian refugees camps in Santiago, Chile, where many of the 15,000 migrants camping under a bridge in Texas were living before setting off to the US border

This is one of the Haitian refugees camps in Santiago, Chile, where many of the 15,000 migrants camping under a bridge in Texas were living before setting off to the US border 

Many Haitians desperate to leave their impoverished island country began to look to South America as a haven following the 2010 earthquake and have settled in cities such as Santiago, Chile and Sao Paulo, Brazil over the years

Many Haitians desperate to leave their impoverished island country began to look to South America as a haven following the 2010 earthquake and have settled in cities such as Santiago, Chile and Sao Paulo, Brazil over the years 

DailyMail.com has learned that the majority of Haitians in Del Rio, Texas had been living in Chile for the past five or six years as refugees. Pictured: A Haitian woman helps her son walk through a migrant camp in Santiago on September 22

DailyMail.com has learned that the majority of Haitians in Del Rio, Texas had been living in Chile for the past five or six years as refugees. Pictured: A Haitian woman helps her son walk through a migrant camp in Santiago on September 22

The settlements, made up of small wooden shacks with tin roofs, aren't far off from the conditions they faced in their homeland, but are still better than the squalid encampments they are staying in now in the US

The settlements, made up of small wooden shacks with tin roofs, aren't far off from the conditions they faced in their homeland, but are still better than the squalid encampments they are staying in now in the US  

Many Haitians have already lived outside their country for years after fleeing the Caribbean island after the 2010 earthquake. 

About 150,000 Haitians went to Chile from 2014 to 2018, many on charter flights to qualify for a visa, and found work as street vendors, janitors and construction workers. They lived largely in marginalized neighborhoods of the capital and suffered discrimination.

In April, a stricter immigration law took effect, and the Chilean government started massive aerial deportations.

Since then, more Haitians have been moving north through South America and Central America to border cities in Mexico, before entering the United States and claiming asylum.

In Ciudad Acuna, Mexico, just across the Rio Grande from Del Rio, dozens of Chilean identity cards litter the ground, all bearing distinctly non-Hispanic names. There is Prosper Pierre for instance, or Linode Lafleur or Eddyson Jean-Charles. None of the cards carries a name such as Gonzalez or Muñoz or Rojas.

A closer look shows three telling letters - HTI - on the cards where they ask for the bearer's nationality. These are the discarded ID cards of Haitians who have turned up in Del Rio by the thousands.

Many of them haven't come from Port-au-Prince or Cap-Haïtien or any other city in the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere, but from Sao Paulo, Brazil or Santiago, Chile.

'As one put it to me, "I love Chile, it's 1,000 times better than Haiti," migration expert Todd Bensman of the Center for Immigration Studies told DailyMail.com. 'But I want to come to the United States, that's a million times better.' 

Nearly 15,000 mostly Haitian migrants have assembled around and under a bridge in Del Rio, Texas, a town of only 35,000 people

Nearly 15,000 mostly Haitian migrants have assembled around and under a bridge in Del Rio, Texas, a town of only 35,000 people

A makeshift border migrant camp is seen at daybreak along the International Bridge in Del Rio, Texas, on Wednesday

A makeshift border migrant camp is seen at daybreak along the International Bridge in Del Rio, Texas, on Wednesday 

DailyMail.com has learned that the majority of Haitians in Del Rio have actually come from Chile or Brazil, where they have been living as refugees for years, and only set off for the US after Biden opened the borders. The migrants were stopped in Tapachula, Mexico after the Biden administration pressured Mexican authorities not to let them come further north, but were suddenly released on September 12. They headed to Ciudad Acuna, where they crossed the Rio Grande into Del Rio, Texas

DailyMail.com has learned that the majority of Haitians in Del Rio have actually come from Chile or Brazil, where they have been living as refugees for years, and only set off for the US after Biden opened the borders. The migrants were stopped in Tapachula, Mexico after the Biden administration pressured Mexican authorities not to let them come further north, but were suddenly released on September 12. They headed to Ciudad Acuna, where they crossed the Rio Grande into Del Rio, Texas 

Haitian girls are pictured in a makeshift encampment where tens of thousands hoping to enter the United States await under the international bridge in Del Rio

Haitian girls are pictured in a makeshift encampment where tens of thousands hoping to enter the United States await under the international bridge in Del Rio

There are an estimated 150,000 Haitians in Chile and around 125,000 in Brazil - tiny fractions of the two million that live in the United States.

But as US immigration rules became tougher, people desperate to leave the impoverished island began to look to South America as a haven.

Bensman revealed that he has not met any Haitian in Del Rio or Acuna who has come directly from their Caribbean-island homeland.

'None of these Haitians are from Haiti. None of them. These Haitians are all from Chile and Brazil,' he said. 

'When Biden got in, word went out and they decided, we're coming now. That was the decision point. I've interviewed 60 to 70 Haitians over the last year and it's always the same story – Joe Biden opened the border so we decided we could upgrade our lifestyle. 

'I interviewed a guy an hour ago who said he was living in Brazil and making good money but he said he heard everyone was getting into America so he came.'

The options remaining for thousands of Haitian migrants straddling the Mexico-Texas border are narrowing as the United States government ramps up to an expected six expulsion flights to Haiti and Mexico began busing some away from the border

The options remaining for thousands of Haitian migrants straddling the Mexico-Texas border are narrowing as the United States government ramps up to an expected six expulsion flights to Haiti and Mexico began busing some away from the border

Migrants wait on the Rio Grande to cross to the United States, in Ciudad Acuna, Coahuila state, Mexico on September 18

Migrants wait on the Rio Grande to cross to the United States, in Ciudad Acuna, Coahuila state, Mexico on September 18

Thousands of Haitian migrants are seen in the makeshift camp under the Del Rio bridge in Texas Tuesday awaiting processing

Thousands of Haitian migrants are seen in the makeshift camp under the Del Rio bridge in Texas Tuesday awaiting processing

White House STILL refuses to reveal how many Haitian migrants have been released into America despite Jen Psaki promising to do so yesterday... and 5,000 are missing from official tally

The White House is still refusing to reveal how many Haitian migrants have come to the US despite promising to do so yesterday.

Jen Psaki on Wednesday promised to release the figures after the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) failed to.

However partial information released Thursday accounts for only 10,000 of the 15,000 that the DHS said earlier in the week had come to the southern border. 

When questioned Thursday about why she had failed to supply the information that she had promised, Psaki simply said 'I'm happy to get you a more fruitful rundown for you, if helpful, from the Department of Homeland Security'. 

The partial information shows that 1,401 were sent back to Haiti on 12 flights, 3,206 remain in custody, and 5,000 are camped out beneath the International Bridge in Del Rio, Texas.

However, this means roughly 5,000 remain unaccounted for. 

Officials revealed two day ago that immigrants are being released ‘on a very, very large scale’ rather than deported.

The figures released Thursday do not account for how many were released into the US or how many were turned away at the border.  

It is also feared that the 3,206 in custody might not be deported and could also be released. 

A migrant child runs with food he received from volunteers at the encampment on Thursday, Sept. 23

A migrant child runs with food he received from volunteers at the encampment on Thursday, Sept. 23 

Those 3,206 Haitian migrants have either been moved to custody under Customs and Border Protection (CBP) or to other sectors of the border to either be expelled or placed into removal proceedings.  

DHS could not be reached for comment.   

This year alone, around 1.3 million migrants were apprehended by Customs and Border Protection.

Mayorkas was at the Capitol Wednesday for his second day of back-to-back congressional hearings – this time before a House committee.

Republican Florida Representative Carlos Gimenez asked Mayorkas today about how many of the migrants apprehended at the border this year were detained, returned or 'dispersed.'

'I would be pleased to provide you with specific data subsequent to this hearing, congressman,' Mayorkas answered. 

Gimenez accused Mayorkas of being unprepared for the hearing, to which the DHS chief snapped about his long work hours.

'I work 18 hours a day, OK? So when I returned from yesterday's hearing, I actually focused on mission. We will get that data, both to the senator who posed it yesterday and to you, congressman, today,' he said.

It follows on from Tuesday's hearing before the Senate when Mayorkas still could not provide migrant data.

The immigrants traveled up from South America on a path that took them through Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and Guatemala before landing in a camp across the Mexican border in Tapachula.

There they stayed at the behest of the Biden administration who pressured Mexican authorities not to let them come further north.

That was until Sunday September 12, when Mexico suddenly said they are free to go, said Bensman.

So they headed for the United States. Del Rio was the destination of choice because unlike most other places on the border the local branch of the Los Zetos cartel allows them to cross for free, DailyMail.com has learned.

In most Mexican frontier towns, coyotes charge fees of up to $10,000 per head to smuggle people across the border.

But Del Rio is different, and by last weekend, just a week after they were freed from Tapachula, thousands had camped out under the Del Rio International Bridge - overwhelming the city of just 35,000 people.

The sight of the squalid camp infuriated local politicians and saw the Biden administration scramble to get extra Border Patrol officers to the area while announcing that all the migrants camped in Del Rio would be deported back to Haiti.

A miles-long steel barrier of state-owned vehicles was put in place on Wednesday to physically keep the immigrants - who had dumped their identity cards at the border so US authorities would not know where their journey had started — from getting away from the border.

Speaking exclusively to DailyMail.com, Bensman – who has spent the past week with the Haitians in Ciudad Acuna – said the absence of smuggling fees made the Del Rio sector the cheapest on the border.

As a result, 15,000 Haitian migrants were encamped under the Del Rio International Bridge by last weekend - overwhelming the tiny Texas city of just 35,000 people

 As a result, 15,000 Haitian migrants were encamped under the Del Rio International Bridge by last weekend - overwhelming the tiny Texas city of just 35,000 people

Migrants, many of them Haitian, cross the Rio Grande river back and forth from the United States and Mexico, to camp after a lack of supplies are given to them in the USA in Ciudad Acuna, Mexico, 21 September

Migrants, many of them Haitian, cross the Rio Grande river back and forth from the United States and Mexico, to camp after a lack of supplies are given to them in the USA in Ciudad Acuna, Mexico, 21 September

'The cartel landscape is not the same in Del Rio as it is in Rio Grande Valley and other parts of Arizona and California. It's different everywhere.

'In this sector, there's never really been cartel human smuggling on the same scale – I'm sure you can find a coyote here if you need one.

President Joe Biden suspended Trump's border program on his first day of office and the Homeland Security Department ended it in June, drawing an influx of migrants to the border over the past few months

President Joe Biden suspended Trump's border program on his first day of office and the Homeland Security Department ended it in June, drawing an influx of migrants to the border over the past few months

'People just cross on their own and make their way into the US without paying anyone. You'll pay further south in Texas but if you come through here, you pay nothing.

'It's cheaper. It's a lot cheaper. It's life-changing cheaper.'

Other nationalities have also cottoned on to the lack of cartel activity in the Del Rio sector with Cuban migrant Williams Rodriguez, 28, telling DailyMail.com: 'We found out [about Del Rio] thanks to several people who were crossing into American lands and they told us what the route was like.

'We knew it would be dangerous and we knew we are risking our lives but as the saying goes, he who does not take risks, does not win.'

His friend Luis, 56, added: 'We were told this was the only place to cross.'

Bensman, a fellow of National Security Studies at the CIS, also said that many of the Haitians claim Mexico had turned a blind eye to their movements after months of penning them up on their southern border.

Most of the migrants traveled from Tapachula province where they had trapped by roadblocks manned by the Mexican National Guard and had been forced to comply with onerous immigration rules that include getting their papers stamped every two days.

The rules were introduced under the Trump administration – sparking riots among the Haitian and African migrants trapped there. Biden had asked Mexico to keep the measures in place.

'Remember the Haitians had been causing problems down there because they were so frustrated by the requirements, Bensman explained.

'My speculation is that the Mexicans felt like this was becoming too much of a problem for them so they simply let them flush north.'

Many of the Haitians say they were allowed to pass as a celebration of El Grito - the September 16 holiday marking the eve of Mexican independence

'But I really think it was more of a holiday present for the people of Tapachula who were going to have parades and their celebrations and all that,' said Bensman.

Footage emerged Monday of scores of mostly Haitian migrants returning to the Mexico side of the Rio Grande River crossing as DHS accelerates deportations

Footage emerged Monday of scores of mostly Haitian migrants returning to the Mexico side of the Rio Grande River crossing as DHS accelerates deportations 

Migrants are guided by Border Patrol agents as they prepare to board a bus from the migrant camp in Del Rio to be taken to other parts of the US for processing

Migrants are guided by Border Patrol agents as they prepare to board a bus from the migrant camp in Del Rio to be taken to other parts of the US for processing 

A bus to transport migrants to other parts of the US for processing is seen by the Del Rio bridge in Texas Tuesday night

A bus to transport migrants to other parts of the US for processing is seen by the Del Rio bridge in Texas Tuesday night

'I think they just said we're going to have El Grito without 50,000 angry Haitians here.' 

The migrant camp under the Del Rio International Bridge is currently being dismantled by Border Patrol, who are busing people out and putting them on deportation flights back to Haiti.

On Tuesday, four flights left the US from Harlingen, Texas, bound for the capital, Port-au-Prince.

Two more – from Laredo and Harlingen – were scheduled for Wednesday, with up to six more due to take off each day until the camp is cleared.

On Sunday, 2,300 migrants crossed back into Mexico after hearing of the flights and made a break for other border towns such as Reynosa where more Haitian refugees are gathering.

Bensman says others plan to wait it out in Ciudad Acuna or are traveling back to Tapachula to dodge deportation.

He said: 'They have left the camp in Del Rio because they fear they will be deported and it's credible because all of them have text messages and photos sent from the tarmac in Port-au-Prince

A United States Border Patrol agent on horseback tries to stop a Haitian migrant from entering an encampment on the banks of the Rio Grande

A United States Border Patrol agent on horseback tries to stop a Haitian migrant from entering an encampment on the banks of the Rio Grande

There was even a takeover of an ICE bus by Haitians who realized knew they were being taken to an airport instead of being released into America, he added.

'Some of the Haitians were nonplussed because their friends in Haiti said don't believe the Americans, don't get on the bus. If you get on the bus, they'll take you to the airport.

'So all of these people were running away from the buses, the bus loading that's going on, because the Americans are not telling them where they're going.

'That's why this camp is over. Remember, these people living Chile and Brazil. They told me they would far rather live in Mexico or Chile than be returned to Haiti.

'It's the ultimate horror for them. But they take their gamble and sometimes it doesn't work out.

'They had two dollars and they figured, well I want five dollars so they put their money on the table and they've ended up in debt.'