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Carrot and Candied Pecan Salad Quick recipe - No cooking required! By PASCALE PEREZ-RUBIN , the Jerusalem Post, November 28, 2019 https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/Pascales-Kitchen-Shabbat-inspiration-609302 This week, I decided to include a few of my favorite Shabbat recipes. The first one is a carrot and candied pecan salad, which I included in one of my cookbooks over a decade ago, and for which I still receive so many accolades all these years later. You can swap the pecans with walnuts, almonds or cranberries – or really any other nuts or dried fruits you desire. You can also cut the carrots into different shapes to vary the salad.
Carrot and candied pecan salad
(photo credit: PASCALE PEREZ-RUBIN)
Carrot and candied pecan salad Makes 8 servings.
5-6 carrots, grated
Bunch of chives, finely chopped 100 g. candied pecans, crushed coarsely
Dressing: ½ cup oil ¹⁄3 cup citrus vinegar ¾ tsp. salt 2 level Tbsp. demerara sugar 1 clove garlic, crushed
Mix the carrots and chives in a large serving bowl. Mix the salad dressing ingredients together and then pour over the carrots. Mix and then sprinkle pecans on top. Level of difficulty: Medium. Time: 20 minutes. Status: Pareve ( vegetarian )
🌽🍆🍅🍍🍠🍤🍗🧀🍔🍟🍕 🍏🍎🍐🍊Please recommend this page & be sure to follow the Coconut Whisperer which continues the traditions of Cheese the top Food and Recipe channel on Disqus 2017-2019 🌽🍆🍅🍍🍠🍤🍗🧀🍔🍟🍕🍏🍎🍐🍊
Farming equipment sits in an Alberta farmer's snowy field. . Global News
Troubles with harvesting crops have plagued farmers across the Prairies this year and now, one Alberta community is escalating the issue to an emergency.
The County of St. Paul has declared a state of agricultural disaster, saying that as of Nov. 26, 35 per cent of crops were still in the ground.
“These unharvested acres are consistent throughout the County of St. Paul,” the county said in a news release.
“With recent snowfall, it is unlikely that any more will be harvested before spring.”
Snow covers crops in an Alberta farmer’s field. Global News
According to Cliff Martin, a county councillor and chair of the Agricultural Service Board, farmers have faced constant snow or rain since they started their harvest.
“This is the worst we’ve seen for a long time,” Martin said. “There’s been some years that’s been bad, but they’ve managed to get most of it. But this year, with the snow and rain, it hasn’t worked out at all.”
Along with the unharvested crop, much of what farmers have been able to get off the fields had high moisture content, meaning lots of work was put in to dry the materials out.
“[It’s] taxing and it’s a large economic impact because you’re having to move it around, and [there is] the cost of electricity and propane to do it,” Martin said.
screenshot of vid. only
Martin said the majority of crops in question are canola, but there’s also quite a bit of cereal crops still in the ground, with some areas of the county seeing as much as 40 per cent unharvested.
According to the county, the weather had both delayed crops in maturing and made harvesting them “difficult, if not impossible.” ‘Quite an economic impact’
The county said the troublesome harvest is impacting more than just the farmers.
“There’s going to be quite an economic impact, especially on local businesses,” Martin said. “Without the income coming in. it’s pretty hard to spend.”
He said it’s hoped that declaring the state of disaster will bring awareness not only to the public, but also to government officials, about the severity of the crop situation in the small community.
Martin added there’s been a lot of pressure on the Agriculture Financial Services Corporation (AFSC) in recent years to update programming that provides insurance to farmers.
“The programs are not doing their job really well,” he said. “There’s a lot of time delay in getting insurance payouts. A lot of the crop that’s unharvested, you won’t be getting paid out until you harvest in the spring.”
Snow covers unharvested crops in an Alberta farmer’s field. Global News
Martin said this harvest season has been a “tough time” for all involved.
“In the farming community, it starts out with a lot of frustration,” he said. “There’s days I’m sure that a lot of it feels very hopeless, what they’re doing.”
St. Paul isn’t the first community to raise alarm bells about the state of harvest this year.
Earlier in November, the sugar company Rogers said it was forced to cancel the 2019 sugar beet harvest because of the severe fall weather.
Leduc County declared a state of agricultural disaster back in September due to the wet growing season. In August, Lac Ste. Anne County did the same.
Earlier this month, the AFSC held a series of townhalls in a number of communities across Alberta to hear concerns from farmers about the state of their crops.
This is where the beets will stay for the winter. About half our acres will remain unharvested due to the frost. Feels a bit like a punch to the gut. Here's hoping they make for good fertilizer at least! #harvest19#harvestfromhell
The County of St. Paul declared a state of agricultural disaster in 2017 following a similarly difficult 2016 harvest season where about 25 per cent of farmers’ fields were unharvested or were bad quality.
The county is reminding people to be mindful when hunting and doing winter activities as crops still in the ground can be impacted by vehicle and snowmobile traffic.
Four United Parcel Service (UPS) employees are accused of being involved in a decade-long operation to import and traffic large amounts of drugs and counterfeit vaping oils, police said, as 11 arrests were made over the past two weeks.
The scheme often saw thousands of pounds of narcotics and marijuana shipped weekly from narco-traffickers into the United States and then to various destinations across the nation. Authorities said the substances were transported meticulously in cardboard boxes through UPS’s trucking and delivery systems, the Washington Post reported.
Money made from the lucrative operation was then spent on purchasing luxury homes and properties, vehicles, and vacations, according to detectives.
Investigations first began in 2017 when the Tucson Police Department and an arm of ICE found evidence which pointed to the elaborate scheme.
John Leavitt, commander of the Tucson Police Department’s Counter Narcotics Alliance, said in a statement: “This investigation has identified and mitigated vulnerabilities in the shipping infrastructure that has allowed for the undetected trafficking of narcotics for more than a decade.
Over the past couple of weeks, agents arrested 11 individuals aged between 24 and 49, including four UPS employees. Authorities seized substantial sums of money, around 50,000 counterfeit THC vape pens, equipment to manufacture drugs, and vehicles, according to a police statement.
All eleven face charges related to narcotics smuggling, drug possession, money laundering and misconduct involving weapons, the New York Times reported.
A 49-year-old UPS employee of the Tucson distribution facility, Mario Barcelo, is accused of leading the operation, and allegedly used his position as supervisor to bypass security measures as drug shipments were loaded onto trucks and delivered, investigators from the Counter Narcotics Alliance said.
Barcelo was arrested on Nov. 13.
“He’s been able to provide this service to drug traffickers without being detected both internally and externally by law enforcement for years,” Tucson Police Sgt. William Kaderly told the Post.
“They’ve been doing it for so long that they were truly comfortable that they were never going to get caught.”
UPS told the Post in a statement that the company is “not at liberty to discuss the details of the arrests as this is an ongoing investigation,” but added that it is cooperating with law enforcement officials.
Bob Wojnowski and Angelique Chengelis preview the Michigan-Ohio State game and Michigan State Insider Nick Hill previews the MSU-Maryland game. The Detroit News
Some say it’s all about respect. What others say is not suitable for print.
Michigan will play unbeaten Ohio State on Saturday at noon at Michigan Stadium in the annual meeting of the arch-rivals. It is the final game of the regular season and it’s about tradition, the colors, the fight songs, the bands and the gritty play between the teams. The Buckeyes have won seven straight against the Wolverines and 14 of the last 15.
But what do former players really think of Ohio State? The Detroit News asked a few men who played football for Michigan for their gut reactions when they hear the words, “Ohio State.”
Jarrett Irons (1993-1996)
“(Blank) them. I don’t know how else to put that. For my job, I work in Toledo a lot. I have to do overnights, and I will not stay in Toledo. I’m not staying in Ohio. I’m dead serious. I’m entertaining late for my job, I don’t care what it is, I’m not staying in that state. I cannot stand them. I can’t stand that state, and I’m from Texas. It’s deep-rooted. It’s that feeling. You listen to the fans, it drives me nuts. What happened last year ruined Thanksgiving for me. I played in the (John) Cooper years; that’s all that needs to be said.”
John Wangler (1977-1980)
“I see red. It’s like you put a red flag in front of a bull. That’s what I see. That’s what I think. I immediately want to get in a stance and hit somebody. (It was pointed out he played quarterback. “I didn’t shy away from contact,” Wangler replied). When I hear Ohio State, it was never reinforced to me more than last year when I sat in that end zone and they kept scoring and they were taunting. It renewed my – I hate to use the word hatred – but it renewed my disdain for them.
“We won four of the five times I played. We were dominating them. It was respect for what they stood for. We were mirror image programs, absolutely. You knew if you beat them you beat the best, and they knew if they beat us they beat the best. So there was that mutual respect. Where there’s the disdain, maybe that’s been more intense for me as a dad living through it with my sons (Jack and Jared) who never beat ‘em and now it’s like, come on, man, that used to be us. Whether it’s jealousy – we used to have that, now they’ve got it and they’re rubbing it in our face and I don’t like it.
“For Urban Meyer to walk around undefeated against Michigan, that kills me. There’s nothing I can do about it. I’ve got to sit here and live with. Obviously, I respect their program and what they do, but there’s nobody I like to beat more than Ohio State. Last year – their fans – it was terrible. And there was nothing we could do about it. it was like they were mocking us. It was painful. You felt helpless. It was like, wow, this is where we’re at.”
Jack Miller (2011-2014)
“You need to point out I live in Ohio. Agony might be the first word that comes to mind. Agony. The fan base is just obnoxious. The fans are horrible. Dealing with that here in the state of Ohio is horrible. At least I won one game against them. We’re in such a bad stretch, and dealing with it here in Ohio is agony, it really is. It’s awful, it really is. I think you have a good feel for the sentiment I have. How I really feel is anger all the time. And I feel like God loves the Buckeyes. Is that not true? What other program can lose a legendary head coach and move to a rookie coach and somehow get better? Seriously, who can do that? How does that work? God loves the Buckeyes. They refuse to get bad. They won’t do it.”
Dan Dierdorf (1968-1970)
“When I played, it wasn’t a hatred. It was respect. There’s not one of us that didn’t look across that sideline at Woody Hayes and had nothing but respect for Coach Hayes and the Ohio State program. You just wonder if they’d come to us and said the University of Michigan has decided to disband their football program, and you’re all free to go anywhere you want to go, it would have been interesting to see how many of our team would have gone to Ohio State. That’s a hypothetical, but … I would have. It was like looking at yourself in the mirror. Our common traits were much more prevalent than our differences.
“You have to acknowledge that Ohio State is now on one of the great runs that any college program has had. It’s not like Michigan has laid an egg and been beaten by inferior football teams from Ohio State. I would think every game we’ve played against Ohio State the last 10-plus years, if you had an impartial group of analysts out there, would any of them have said, ‘This was a superior Michigan team that played down to Ohio State’s level.’? Nobody would say that. Ohio State has been on a recruiting juggernaut for over a decade now, and you’ve got to give (Jim) Tressel and Urban Meyer a lot of credit. They have been recruiting machines.”
Ron Bellamy (1999-2002)
“Must-win game. Always. You’re defined by your record against Ohio State. I always look at Ohio State as more of – while I don’t like them and I want to see them lose – I still respect them. It’s always the last game of the year. And for me being from Louisiana, I knew about this rivalry since I was a little boy watching college football. I think this (downturn) started – I love Drew, Drew is one of my best friends – but it’s the Drew Henson Curse. When Drew left school early, it was Jim Tressel’s first year and they’ve been dominating us ever since and beating us in recruiting. I’m 100 percent certain if Drew Henson would have played in that game, Jim Tressel doesn’t win his first game against Michigan.”
Drew Henson (1998-2000)
“Yuck.”
Devin Gardner (2010-2014)
“Is it something you can write? I don’t know if you can put bleeps in writing. I don’t have anything good, but like nothing really bad. It’s like eh, at least it’s not Michigan State. They lost three quarterbacks and won a national championship. That’s BS, that’s what it is. It’s been devastating for me. How does that happen? I do like their colors. My favorite color is red. That’s where it stops. I don’t like scarlet, I like red. Scarlet is the ladies’ version of red.”
Jon Jansen (1995-1998)
“South until you smell it and east until you step in it – that’s the directions to Columbus. When you ask my kids, whenever we travel through Ohio, I tell them, ‘We’ll stop in Pennsylvania – you can go to the bathroom, get a drink, get a snack. We will not stop again until we get to Michigan. There’s no pee breaks, there’s no gas breaks, there’s no nothing. We’ve got enough gas, you hold it.’ They don’t want to stop, either. They’ll say, ‘Dad, we can’t stop here.’”
Mike Martin (2008-2011)
“For me, it’s pure hate. The stuff I dealt with on the field but then also personally. My mom got her windows busted out my first year down there. Obviously, this has nothing to do with the program, but everything tells the story of the mutual bad taste in your mouth. I felt good about being able to leave with a win my senior year and leave on that high note.
“As time has gone on, I’ve met people who went there. I’m on Big Ten Network now with Josh Perry (former Buckeye) and Glen Mason has his roots at Ohio State, and we have dinner after every show, and I like these guys now. There’s a handful of them that aren’t so bad, but when I say what I said to you, that’s my feeling of when I played. That was the environment. They’ve gotten it done this year. They haven’t just gotten it done, they done it by huge spreads. The way they’re beating teams and the point differentials, and the defense, the offense and special teams, just every phase of the game they’re excelling. In the Big Ten, they’ve separated themselves.”
John Kolesar (1985-1988)
“Respect. I know so many Ohio State people, and I know the history and I know Woody and I know Bo, and that’s who I played for. I respect Bo, Bo respected Woody, and that’s what I have for Ohio State. One hundred percent. Obviously, the banter and some of the dirtiness and the nastiness around the fans and the campus is disappointing, but they can’t control that, neither can Michigan. The program itself, what Woody built – when I played and what I think about, they’re still the nemesis, and if you want to be the best, you have to play the best. You want to play your heart out. I was excited to play them, couldn’t wait to play them. I wanted to be at my best. I knew I had to be at my best to play them. And if I’m in that game, that means I’m pretty damn good, too, and I want them to know I’m coming.”
Doug Skene (1989-1992)
“It’s time to win, that’s my gut reaction. It’s time to win. We’re way past due, and it’s time. It’s hard to find a glaring weakness on their team. But’s this is not the first time what looks on paper to be a more talented Ohio State team and Michigan’s found a way to beat them. It’s time to rise up and reestablish ourselves in this rivalry. It is time.”
Jamie Morris (1984-1987)
“The Game, Bo Schembechler, Woody Hayes. I don’t have a nasty thing to say about Ohio State. Michigan State, (blank) them – that’s what I would have said if you said Michigan State – but I respected Ohio State. It was a rivalry and it was the hardest and cleanest rivalry. Ohio State was your true test. I don’t care what you get all season long, when you got to the Ohio State game, you found out, ‘What did you really do the whole season?’ It’s not about the hate, it’s about the game and how these two elite programs compare to one another. They didn’t care about anybody else around the country, that’s the key.”
Thomas Guynes (1993-1996)
“Visceral. Disdain. Genuine hate. What other negative adjectives can I throw out there? That is my gut reaction. It’s a point of, how do I put it, marrow-sickening adversary. You feel it down to your marrow. You instantly become agitated. You wanted to engage in some sort of gladiatorial experience. What’s worse for me is I hate people that are in Michigan that are rocking that team’s apparel. Like, why are you even here? If I pull a car over (Guynes is a deputy at the Washtenaw County Sheriff’s office) and that’s the case, like you’ve got some OSU stuff on you, oh, you’re definitely getting a ticket, and then I’ll finish up by saying, ‘Go Blue.’ I remember my mom saying when she came for my very last game against the Buckeyes there, she’s never been called (expletive) that many times before in her life. I can feel this way, but we don’t necessarily let our feelings come to fruition so to speak. We still as Michigan fans are able to have a sense of decorum, where they, on the other hand, are literally rabid dogs that don’t really know any better.”
Rod Payne (1993-1996)
“When I hear Ohio State, there’s nothing you can write about (that's clean).”
Aaron Shea (1996-1999)
“When I think of OSU? Respect, best rivalry in all of sports. When I got drafted by the Browns, coach (Lloyd) Carr said be humble in victory, and I remember calling him and saying they are nice in Cleveland, and then we started losing and now every person around here acts like they went to OSU. Go Blue!”
Marcus Ray (1995-1998)
“They’re like Deebo, the bully (in the movie “Friday”). You can beat them, but you have to have the courage to fight the guy. By the end of the movie he got beat up, but Ice Cube needed a brick to beat him. When I think of Ohio State, I need to find that brick. I need something extra in this fight to beat them because it’s not a fair fight. And what I mean by a brick, you need a (Charles) Woodson. You need a guy who can put the cape on. Where is the guy who can put the cape and make it right for you? Desmond (Howard) did it, Charles did it, and I tried to do it in my own little way. Where is the guy with the cape on? That’s who we need to beat this guy. They’re a bully who can fight. They’re not just pushing little teams around.
“You say Ohio State, I think a dirty street fight, and we need a weapon, because if not, it’s not going to happen. Me playing against Ohio State back then, Ohio State was like a watermelon. They were big, but they would crack easy back then. Ohio State was a watermelon.”
Jim Brandstatter (1969-1971)
“The PG version is there’s nobody more I want to beat. There are adjectives that you can put in front of it, in the middle of it, and behind it that may be more descriptive, but the PG version is there’s nobody more I’d rather beat. You knew when you played them you’d better button it up because you’d better be good because they’re gonna be good. It’s going to be hard-hitting and it’s going to be tight and you’re going to have to play four quarters.”
Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.
“It is important for me to emphasize that the only ones who determine who the prime minister will be are Israeli voters. That is the essence of democracy,” Prime Minister Netanyahu recently said.
That is what’s at stake here.
Fake news and fake cases have been used by the media and by political operatives to mask a real coup.
How do you win an election when voters won’t vote for you? You lie, cheat, and smear. And when that doesn’t work, it’s time to roll out secret investigations, midnight raids, and politically motivated trials.
What’s at stake in America and Israel is whether voters or unelected officials run the country.
The unelected officials have launched show trial coups. And the voters are responding by rejecting their credibility. While the media trumpets the coup’s accusations of “bribery” and “corruption”, and accuses Netanyahu and his supporters of “inciting” against the ‘branja’ of the judges, lawyers, and assorted special interests, public confidence in this political lefty mafia is at an incredible all-time low.
In a Globes poll, 44% on the Right expressed low confidence in the judiciary while 55% on the Left had high confidence in the judiciary. Only 23% on the Right had high confidence in the judiciary. 43% of Israelis overall had low confidence in the police and only 18% of Israelis really trusted the police. What explains these numbers? The next question found that 45% of Israelis believed that there was a high degree of selective prosecution. Only 15% believed that selective prosecutions were a non-issue.
The media claims that Netanyahu is “inciting” against the judiciary. But he’s just saying what everyone knows. The system is corrupt. And it abuses its powers to go after the targets of its corruption.
Right-wing Israelis didn’t turn on the system just because it went after Netanyahu. The system has always been biased against them because they’re outsiders. Even if you aren’t living in a town designated a settlement or an outpost, even if you aren’t Orthodox, a Russian immigrant, or anything except a secular Ashkenazi whose grandparents came at the right time, living in the right part of Tel Aviv, if you aren’t voting for lefty parties, then you lack the political connections to navigate business and simple everyday problems, from getting the power turned on to dealing with a parking dispute.
Every Israeli knows this is true.
The Right began its dominance of Israeli politics because most of the country loathes the corrupt system that the old socialists put into place to maintain control of the people and the country. They don’t just loathe it in the abstract ideological sense, but because they have to deal with it day in and day out.
They just don’t believe that there’s an alternative to the system. That’s what the indictment is about.
The indictment is based on the system’s expectation that it can take down Netanyahu and the Right. Or, as Caroline Glick recently put it, the opposition "stands on two planks – destroying Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and eternalizing the regime of Israel’s unelected bureaucrats."
And Netanyahu is making clear that it’s either him or the bureaucrats.
The actual case or cases against Prime Minister Netanyahu, as against President Trump, are a joke. They depend on media leaks, intimidation by political operatives within law enforcement and the judiciary, and a lot of hand-wringing about the moral downfall of the nation with very little evidence.
Case 2000 and Case 4000, the centerpieces of the coup against Netanyahu, both claim that the Israeli leader undertook to support certain policies in exchange for favorable media coverage.
As Caroline Glick noted in an important talk at the David Horowitz Freedom Center’s Restoration Weekend, “nobody ever heard of the concept that positive media coverage could be considered a bribe because in no country on the face of the planet is positive coverage considered a bribe because if positive coverage is considered a bribe, then journalism as a point of fact is a criminal enterprise.”
If the media providing positive coverage of politicians who support their agenda is a crime, every single politician and media boss would be in jail. That’s the selective prosecution part. And, as with Trump, not only is the prosecution selective, but it invents new crimes in the process of selecting them.
Both Netanyahu and Trump stand accused of usurping the media’s function. The media is supposed to spread fake news on social media. The media is supposed to investigate its political opponents. And the media is supposed to decide which politicians get positive or negative coverage for its own reasons.
Both Case 2000 and 4000 really indict Netanyahu and his wife for complaining about the media.
The rest of the blanks in the indictment were filled in with the assumption that when things went well for the heads of the two media companies at the center of the case, it was not only Netanyahu’s doing, but part of a quid pro quo in exchange for positive media coverage.
The obvious question that the average Israeli asks at that point is, “What positive media coverage?”
The indictment fails to document this positive coverage because that would require evidence. And evidence is the one thing that this otherwise exemplary farce of a document is tragically lacking.
The lead on the English site of Yediot Aharonot, one of two media entities that Netanyahu allegedly aided in exchange for positive coverage, is an editorial that declares, “Netanyahu is out of tricks.”
This isn’t a new development in response to the indictment. It’s typical of the positive media coverage that Netanyahu has enjoyed for quite a few years in which commentators and reporters debate whether he should be shot and then thrown into the river, or thrown into the river first and then shot afterward.
But beyond the absurdity of treating positive media coverage as a bribe or the reality that this alleged bribe that was never delivered, is that there’s no actual linkage between what the media tycoons wanted and any of the non-existent positive media coverage of Prime Minister Netanyahu.
Instead the indictment is filled with claims about what both sides knew, understood, and assumed, without actually proving it. That’s not a case. It’s a set of theories about what a case might look like.
For there to be a bribe, there needs to be evidence of an arrangement and an exchange.
And that doesn’t exist in this case. The indictment makes it clear that there’s no actual evidence beyond the compelled testimony of browbeaten associates facing legal and personal problems on other fronts. Israelis have long since learned to discount the testimony provided by such state’s evidence. Giving formerly respectable people a choice between going to prison on other charges or telling the court anything it wants to hear is not a process that will produce witnesses with any credibility.
In the Trump era, Americans are learning to distrust these same tactics in political investigations in which men like Paul Manafort, Michael Cohen or Michael Flynn are dragged through the system on any convenient pretext in the hope that they can provide legal backing for a politically motivated campaign.
The hole has been filled by hysterical media coverage inventing connections that don’t actually appear in the case and can’t actually be proven. But they don’t need to be. If everything goes according to plan, then the Likud will either lose or be forced to sacrifice Netanyahu, and once Netanyahu is isolated, he can be bled with legal expenses until he accepts a plea bargain. Lefties will be back in power, directly or indirectly, and the Right will be crippled. And the terrorists will celebrate from Gaza to Beirut.
Like the Mueller investigation, this is a political gambit meant to be played out in the media. If the facts of the case face actual legal scrutiny, then the house of cards will collapse. They don’t expect it to.
The enemies of democracy expect the voters to be the weak point that will allow them to win.
The Mueller investigation was meant to flip Republican voters and legislators. It failed. The Netanyahu indictment is meant to flip Likud party members and voters. If that fails, then the indictment goes the way of Russiagate. The real test of representative government is whether the people will resist the inevitable plots by unelected officials to rob them of their representation under various pretexts.
In Israel, as in Europe, the Left and the Right have very different definitions of democracy. To the Left, democracy means the political norms of social democracy. That is why the Left will often describe losing an election as a “threat to democracy”. Leftists operate under Louis XIV's motto, "L'etat c'est moi." And their updated version, "la démocratie c'est moi." A democratic election that “moi” lose is undemocratic.
The coups in America and Israel are a deeper struggle between elected and unelected officials, between open and closed systems, between freedom and tyranny, and between media power and people power.
A coup either ends with the defeat of the people or the plotters.
There are similar struggles being waged across the world, from Hong Kong to Tehran, from London to Jerusalem to Washington D.C. They are struggles between the power of authority and of the people. In all their different languages and under their different flags, they ask whether people will choose their own governments or whether they will be chosen for them by the authorities who really run things.
As Netanyahu said, this comes down to the question of who determines who will run the country.
