Milton Berle and Otto Preminger in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
The Shomrim Society is the fraternal organization of Jewish members of the New York City Police Department (NYPD). (It does not refer to civilian neighborhood watch patrols, also known as “Shomrim,” that operate in Brooklyn and other localities; those are separate, volunteer community safety groups and not formally affiliated with the NYPD Shomrim Society discussed here.) The Society was first established in 1924 as a fraternal and charitable organization for Jewish officers of the New York City Police Department. Formed with the approval of then‑Police Commissioner Richard Enright, its creation paralleled similar ethnically or religiously oriented fraternal groups within the department, such as the Knights of Columbus (for Catholic members) and Masonic societies.
At the initial meeting held at Liberty Hall on Houston and Norfolk Streets, approximately 240 Jewish policemen joined the newly formed society out of an NYPD force that at the time included roughly 700 Jewish members, representing only about one percent of total personnel. Lieutenant Jacob Kaminsky was elected the first president, with Sergeant Morris Greenberg as first vice‑president, Patrolman Harry Schreiber as second vice‑president, and Detective Morris Borkim as recording secretary. The Jewish chaplain of the NYPD, Dr. Isidore Frank, announced the society’s formation to the public.
Shomrim Society Purim poster (2026) (Saul Jay Singer)
The impetus for the society’s creation reportedly stemmed from both a desire for camaraderie among Jewish officers and the need to foster religious solidarity and mutual support at a time when Jewish law enforcement personnel were a distinct minority in the department. One oft‑recounted anecdote from the group’s history describes how a younger Jewish officer on patrol was told that he “might feel more at home with a salami, rather than a nightstick, under his arm,” a remark that, whether apocryphal or literal, highlighted the social tensions and cultural dissonance some Jewish officers felt in early 20th‑century policing.
From its inception, the Shomrim Society aimed to operate similarly to other fraternal police organizations: promoting welfare, fellowship, and support among Jewish law enforcement officers while integrating them more fully into the broader civic fabric of New York. Its chartered purposes included strengthening religious spirit among Jewish officers, providing a network of mutual assistance, and fostering goodwill both within the NYPD and in the wider community. Early annual reports and society letterhead reportedly bore a mission statement along the lines of “so that Law Enforcement Officers of the Jewish faith may join together for the welfare of all.”
The historical context of its founding is important. In the 1920s, American Jewish communities, particularly immigrant families from Eastern Europe, were achieving increasing presence in public institutions, including law enforcement, but still faced social prejudice and cultural challenges. Within this milieu, a distinct society for Jewish officers provided a forum for professional solidarity and a space to honor religious observances, support one another in times of need, and engage with Jewish communal life more broadly.
During the Great Depression era and into the late 1930s, the Society grew significantly as thousands of Jewish applicants entered the civil service lists to take police exams in pursuit of stable employment. Civil service lists from 1935 to 1937 added approximately 400 new Shomrim members as applicants passed tests and joined the department; around 1939, of the 33,000 applicants who sat for the NYPD entrance exam, about 1,440 passed and roughly one‑third of those were Jewish, numbers that reflect a remarkable increase of Jewish participation in the police force relative to earlier decades. A generation of Jewish officers from that period rose through the ranks, with some achieving senior leadership positions including Chief Inspector, Chief of Detectives, and high command roles in Narcotics and Organized Crime bureaus by the 1960s.
One of the Shomrim Society’s early presidents who gained broader public attention was Max Finkelstein, a longtime captain in the NYPD. In 1938, Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia selected Finkelstein to lead a special squad tasked with guarding visiting officials from Nazi Germany and the German consulate in New York, at a time of rising global tensions and antisemitic provocations; this appointment underscored not only the competence of Jewish officers but also the growing civic trust placed in them.
Max Finkelstein portrait (Saul Jay Singer)
Max Finkelstein (1884-1940) was born in the Russian Empire and emigrated to the United States, where he entered the New York City Police Department on May 29, 1911, beginning what would become a nearly three‑decade career. He rose to the rank of Captain and served with distinction, eventually becoming president of the Shomrim Society, his tenure coinciding with a turbulent era in global and American history, marked by the rise of Nazism in Europe, increasing antisemitism, and profound anxieties within the Jewish community about events abroad and attitudes at home.
Finkelstein became nationally known in 1938 when New York City Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia appointed him to lead a special NYPD detail charged with safeguarding officials from Nazi Germany who were visiting New York, and with protecting the German consulate and embassy premises. La Guardia’s decision was reported in contemporary news accounts, including The New York Times, which noted that the police detail guarding German officials was composed solely of Jewish officers, a remarkable and provocative arrangement given the regime those officials represented. La Guardia’s motivation for this appointment must be understood in light of his well‑documented opposition to Nazism and antisemitism; he frequently spoke out against Nazi policies, protested violence against Jews in Germany, and worked to broaden diversity in municipal appointments and civil service. In 1937 and 1938, he publicly denounced Nazism, promoted anti‑Nazi events, and supported expanded civil rights in New York more broadly, including for Jewish residents who were alarmed by the rise of fascism abroad.
The reaction to the assignment was polarized. The Nazi press in Germany was incensed; Der Angriff, a Nazi newspaper, published Captain Finkelstein’s photograph on its front page and denounced his appointment as a “provocation,” explicitly framing the decision in deeply antisemitic terms and questioning how Americans would react if Jewish Americans in Germany were to be guarded by black policemen. This outcry reflected the Nazi regime’s broader ideological fixation on racial hierarchy and antisemitic nationalism, and the disproportionate publicity given to the assignment underscored how politically charged the situation was on both sides of the Atlantic.
Within the Jewish community in New York and the United States, La Guardia’s choice was received almost universally as an affirmation of Jewish dignity and a rebuke to the Nazis. Jewish newspapers and communal leaders celebrated the appointment as symbolic resistance to antisemitism; indeed, many saw it as a dramatic repudiation of Nazi ideology on American soil. This broader public reaction should be understood against the backdrop of American Jewish activism against Nazism in the 1930s, which included boycotts of German goods, mass demonstrations, and vocal pressure on political leaders to oppose pro‑Nazi sentiments.
For the general American public, the reaction was more mixed but largely leaned toward admiration for La Guardia’s firmness against antisemitism and far right extremism. Newspapers beyond the Jewish press covered the story in ways that underscored its symbolic significance, with The New York Times reporting the formation of an all-Jewish guard detail for German officials and newspapers across the country following both the initial shock and the sustained commentary. Historians note that such publicity helped discredit pro‑Nazi and antisemitic movements in the U.S., which were active in the late 1930s through organizations like the German‑American Bund, and helped cement New York City’s reputation as a bastion of diverse civic values. (It is difficult not to imagine what the antisemitic Mayor Mandani would have done under similar circumstances.)
Finkelstein’s life after this period took a tragic turn. In 1940, after nearly three decades of “spotless” service with the NYPD, he requested retirement, but was informed that he would be required to face charges related to irregular bail bonds. Before the matter could be resolved, he died by suicide on May 3, 1940 and his funeral was attended by a crowd estimated at 10,000 people, a testament to the deep respect in which he was held in the New York policing community and beyond.
Margin of Error Playbill (front cover) (Saul Jay Singer)
Margin of Error Playbill (first of three cast pages) (Saul Jay Singer)
Finkelstein’s experience guarding Nazi officials later inspired a fictionalized character in the 1939 Broadway play Margin for Error and the 1943 film adaptation, where his unique role during a fraught period served as dramatic subject matter. The play was written by Clare Boothe Luce, a prominent American playwright, journalist and later diplomat who was already well known for her 1936 comedy The Women, which had become a major theatrical success. She turned her talents in Margin for Error toward satire and sharp critique of Nazism at a moment when World War II had already begun in Europe and America was debating its own stance toward fascism abroad.
The Broadway production opened on November 3, 1939 at the Plymouth Theatre in New York, where it ultimately ran for 264 performances, a solid commercial run by the standards of the time. Otto Preminger, then a stage actor and director who had recently emigrated from Austria to the United States, directed the production and starred in it as Karl Baumer, the Nazi consul at the center of the story. Following its Broadway success, Preminger also took the play on a national tour in 1940.
Margin for Error handbill (Saul Jay Singer)
As a Broadway play, Margin for Error was a mystery satire with a definite political edge. The plot centers on a German consul in an unnamed American city, Karl Baumer, whose dubious character – he lies, steals, manipulates and maligns everyone around him – makes him widely disliked. When Baumer is found dead, virtually every person present at the consulate has a motive for murder. Posing as both comic relief and social commentary is Officer Finkelstein, a Jewish policeman assigned by a prankish mayor modeled on real‑life Fiorello La Guardia to guard the consul despite his personal distaste for Nazism. As Finkelstein investigates, each suspect’s motive unfolds, from betrayal of comrades to personal grudges, and the mystery resolves in a twist: the consul’s death turns out to be accidental because he drank poison he had intended for someone else. Along the way, the play skewers Nazi ideology and diplomatic hypocrisy while weaving a detective story that keeps its audience guessing.
Contemporary coverage confirmed that the play’s blend of comedy and political critique was unusual for its time. In Time magazine’s 1939 review, even though Margin for Error included sharp laughs and lively dialogue, it was recognized as one of the first successful anti‑Nazi dramas of that season, breaking a streak of earlier flops in the genre. Reviewers noted that its satirical approach, presenting Hitlerism in an American setting and poking fun at German officials, managed to entertain while carrying an underlying message about democracy versus fascism. Indeed, when the play was still in pre‑Broadway tryouts, the German Embassy in Washington protested to the U.S. State Department that the play was “derogatory” to the Reich, inadvertently giving it free publicity and underscoring the charged political climate in which it premiered.
Milton Berle in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
Otto Preminger in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
The film adaptation was released in 1943, directed by Preminger, with a screenplay credited to Lillie Hayward and revised by Samuel Fuller (uncredited). It was produced by Ralph Dietrich for 20th Century‑Fox with Preminger also reprising his stage role as Karl Baumer. Comedian Milton Berle starred as Officer “Moe” Finkelstein, and Joan Bennett played Sophie Baumer, the consul’s conflicted wife. Other notable cast members included Carl Esmond as Baron Max von Alvenstor and Howard Freeman as Otto Horst, among an ensemble that supported the film’s blend of mystery, comedy, and wartime messaging.
Where the play functioned primarily as satire and a political whodunit closely reflecting the real‑world tensions of its moment, the film underwent notable changes. Studios purchased the screen rights in 1941, but initially shelved the project; by the time production commenced, the United States had entered World War II and the anti‑Nazi message that was radical in 1939 was by 1942 essentially mainstream wartime propaganda. As a result, the screenplay was updated in tone and structure: the studio removed some of the more overt political scenes (for example, a subplot about rescuing a concentration camp prisoner that appeared in the stage version) and eliminated the character of a Nazi Bund leader present in the play. In the film, the story is recast as a flashback told by Finkelstein (Berle) while he serves as a U.S. soldier, allowing the narrative to serve both as mystery comedy and morale‑boosting wartime entertainment. Preminger and Fuller worked to adapt Luce’s original political statement into a story that would bolster American resolve and reflect ongoing war aims rather than critique fascism from the outside as the play had done.
The plot of the film shares its basic skeleton with the play – Finkelstein is reluctantly assigned to protect a Nazi consul, comes to observe the villainy around him, and discovers multiple suspects with motives for murder – but it introduces additional intrigue and action characteristic of Hollywood storytelling. In the film, Consul Baumer is in trouble with Berlin for embezzling saboteur funds, his wife despises him, his secretary Max is disenchanted with his orders, and a group of German saboteurs are poised to strike an American port. The plot layers murder mystery with espionage, culminating in the sabotage plot’s foiling and the revelation that Baumer died by poisoning intended for another, consistent with the play’s twist but amplified with action elements.
Modern reviewers often view Margin for Error as a historical curiosity rather than a cinematic classic. Some appreciate it for its craftsmanship, period value, and especially for Otto Preminger’s early directorial work, which paved the way for his later career as a major Hollywood director. Others criticize the film’s uneven tone, the juxtaposition of comedic elements with serious political themes, and note that it lacks the sharper satirical edge of the original play. As one retrospective review put it, the film’s narrative and comedic choices feel dated and uneven to contemporary audiences, though its historical context as one of the early anti‑Nazi entries in Hollywood’s wartime output gives it specialized interest.
In theatrical history, Margin for Error is often discussed alongside other politically engaged works of the late 1930s and early 1940s, as an example of how Broadway responded to rising global fascism before America’s direct involvement in World War II. While it is not performed nearly as often today as the playwright’s The Women, it remains a subject of study for scholars of American drama and cultural responses to Nazism in the United States. In film history, it is similarly referenced in discussions of early wartime cinema and the evolving role of Hollywood in mobilizing audience sentiment through genre blending, combining comedy, mystery, and political messaging.
Together, the Margin for Error play and film exemplify how a single dramatic premise can be adapted across media to suit shifting cultural moments: the play as pointed stage satire in 1939, and the film as wartime cinematic entertainment and propaganda in 1943. Both versions reflect their eras’ concerns and audiences’ expectations, and their combined legacy offers insight into American cultural production on the eve and in the midst of global conflict.
* * * * *
The Shomrim Society’s acceptance by NYPD authorities and the city government over time was generally positive, reflecting both changing demographics and shifting attitudes within municipal institutions, and the very fact that Commissioner Enright approved its founding and that the Society persisted through decades suggests institutional support. As Jewish officers became more common within the NYPD and advanced in rank, the Society’s profile naturally rose. It did not operate as a political or union group in the modern sense, but rather as a professional and fraternal association, providing networking, mutual aid, and cultural affirmation, and its relationship with department leadership appears to have been cordial overall, even when its members raised concerns about antisemitism or other issues affecting Jewish personnel.
That said, the Society was not immune to controversy. Both in Finkelstein’s era and in later decades, it has on multiple occasions responded to what its members cited as religious discrimination or bias within the NYPD. One well‑documented example comes from 1998, when the Society publicly asserted that antisemitic incidents within the department had been insufficiently addressed by NYPD leadership. That year, Shomrim, then estimated to represent about 2,800 members including active, retired, and civilian personnel, took a more assertive stance in seeking accountability for alleged bias. The catalyst was an investigation involving an NYPD officer named Thomas Pappas, who reportedly admitted to returning solicitation cards with racist and antisemitic messages. Shomrim leaders demanded that Pappas be fired for conduct they considered “unforgivable” for a sworn law enforcement officer, and they further accused the department of proposing to allow him to “retire with benefits” despite the seriousness of the allegations.
Shomrim’s president at the time, Officer Stuart Portner, wrote to Police Commissioner Howard Safir – who was notably the first Jewish individual to serve as NYPD commissioner – expressing that the society was “saddened and angered by the total lack of justice this matter has engendered,” and pressed for “strongest attention” to the case. The NYPD’s deputy commissioner for public information responded that no final departmental action had been taken and that Safir “takes any sort of allegation of discrimination very seriously.” The letter reportedly went unacknowledged at the time, prompting Shomrim to go to the media to raise attention.
In addition to the Pappas case, Shomrim identified other incidents over the preceding years in which Jewish officers allegedly faced anti‑Jewish remarks, including cases where testimony about harassment was apparently not investigated and tensions arose over leave for religious observance days. Officers historically have occasionally requested Sabbath leave or time off for holidays such as Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur, and before the NYPD had formal provisions, such requests could be challenging for observant Jews. Rabbi Alvin Kass, the NYPD Shomrim Society’s longtime chaplain, later reported his efforts to ensure policies were implemented allowing officers to observe Saturdays and Jewish holidays without penalty, reflecting institutional change influenced by advocacy tied to the society’s presence.
Shomrim has generally balanced its advocacy with caution about “crying wolf,” as one retired executive secretary explained: new recruits are advised not to declare antisemitism prematurely or without evidence, because once the claim is made and disproven, future bona fide incidents may be harder to substantiate. This reflects a desire to maintain credibility while still pressing for recognition of discriminatory behavior when it genuinely occurs.
The Shomrim Society also engages in a range of benevolent and community activities beyond professional advocacy. According to its current organizational mission, it supports member families through scholarship funds, burial assistance, and various charitable programs. And annual events such as food drives, particularly a Passover distribution named for a former assistant spiritual director, and social gatherings, including family picnics and community outreach, emphasize its dual role as both a fraternal brotherhood and a community‑oriented nonprofit.
Religious and ceremonial life also play a role in the society today. The official website publishes a Shomrim prayer for the protection of law enforcement officers, soldiers of Israel and the United States, and all those who serve, affirming a connection between Jewish identity, service, and faith‑inspired concern for safety and peace. This prayer, while not formal liturgy in the denominational sense, reflects an integration of heritage and vocation that aligns with the Society’s origins.
Membership requirements reflect the organization’s foundational purpose: it is specifically limited to active, retired, auxiliary, and civilian members of the NYPD of the Jewish faith, which distinguishes the fraternal society from other groups with overlapping names or community safety missions. It is incorporated as a non‑profit organization and participates in the National Conference of Shomrim Societies, which connects Jewish law enforcement officers and public safety professionals across the United States. The National Conference, which was formed in 1958 to coordinate communication between local chapters and to support shared goals, now includes societies in roughly twenty cities nationwide, though the New York chapter remains among the most prominent and historically significant.
Quantifying exact membership numbers today is difficult because the NYPD does not officially track the religion of its officers, and data come from the Society’s own estimates rather than municipal statistics. In the late 1990s, the society estimated that Jewish officers made up about three percent of the department, which then had roughly 40,000 sworn personnel, a figure that suggests approximately 1,200 Jewish officers, though including civilian and retired members brought the Society’s total membership into the thousands. The current Society’s membership may include a broader spectrum of NYPD personnel and retirees, but precise contemporary numbers are typically maintained by the organization itself and are not publicly reported in independent sources.
In conclusion, the history of Captain Max Finkelstein’s public assignment in 1938 illustrates both the complexities of American Jewish life on the eve of World War II and the symbolic power of civic institutions to confront discrimination. The Shomrim Society’s ongoing work, whether advocating for fair treatment within the NYPD, supporting members’ religious observances, or engaging with Jewish cultural and charitable life, demonstrates how an enduring professional association can serve as both a voice for its members and a bridge between law enforcement and the communities they protect.
Israel warned US about Iran's plans to kill Trump on Air Force One, aided his escape
Trump initially boarded, in full view of the media, the aircraft that had previously served as Air Force One.
Israel provided the US administration with intelligence about the Iranian threat against US President Donald Trump, which included the use of shoulder-fired missiles against Air Force One
Trump initially boarded, in full view of the media, an aircraft that had previously served as Air Force One. Shortly afterward, however, a deception operation began: The president was placed inside an airport catering truck and driven out of sight of reporters to another aircraft, a smaller military C-32A parked nearby.
Trump then departed aboard the C-32A for a US base in the UK, under the pretext that troops stationed there wanted to take photographs with the Air Force One aircraft. From there, he flew back to Washington.
Some members of Trump's staff were unaware of the covert operation
The report detailed that the operation was kept so secret that even some members of Trump's staff did not know he was traveling aboard the third aircraft. For weeks, the impression was that Trump had returned from Turkey aboard the old Air Force One after the new presidential aircraft, which had been given to the US by Qatar, was flown separately to the UK.
In fact, journalists and some White House officials, including US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, boarded the aircraft believing that Trump was traveling with them as usual. In reality, he had already been secretly transferred to another military aircraft and was flying separately.
The Iranian threat and the switch of aircraft were revealed last month, following initial denials, but the new report discloses for the first time the details of the deception operation carried out at the airport.
The White House declined to directly address most of the details in the report. White House Communications Director Steven Cheung said the new aircraft was equipped with "high-level security protocols" intended to ensure the safety of the president and his staff.
Returning from a NATO summit in Turkey, the President was bundled off the jet in Ankara and loaded onto a separate military plane bound for the UK.
Trump had originally flown to Turkey on the $400 million Qatari–donated 747–8. But as the summit ended, he publicly announced he was ditching the new jet to board an older Air Force One model for 'old times' sake'.
After being filmed boarding the jumbo in Ankara, the secret swap was executed, where he transferred to the military plane.
The intricate scheme hoodwinked those on board, leaving unsuspecting journalists and even some senior White House staffers in the dark as they flew on the 'decoy' Air Force One flight.
The President covertly entered a food cart that had been fitted to the belly of the plane amid threats from Iranian officials.
His food cart was then loaded onto an airport catering truck, which transported him to a smaller Air Force C-32A plane.
Journalists who boarded the old Air Force One plane, believing Trump was aboard, were instructed to close their window shades.
After the two planes landed in the UK, Trump was smuggled from the C-32A to the legacy Air Force One jet and was seen descending on external stairs.
Administration officials viewed the Iranian threat as credible, taking extreme precautions to ensure the president's safety.
"It's up to Secret Service. I just follow what they'd like to do, so I go by Secret Service and the military. They wanted me to go in a different flight, a different plane ... but they wanted me to do it, so I do it. I do what they say", Trump explained.
US intelligence identified a targeted Iranian threat to launch a surface-to-air missile towards Air Force One as Trump was about to take off from Ankara.
Authorities spotted a man in the area where the summit was taking place holding a surface-to-air shoulder-mounted missile launcher.
The Iranians behind the attempted plot knew exactly where Trump was staying, including the building and floor where his room was located.
Foolish to travel to a terrorist infested country like Turkey. Who advised Trump to do that?
"The shirt is a reminder that, in their eyes, the war is far from over. Those who understand this have no reason to despair."
A photograph published by i24NEWS Hebrew journalist Tzvi Yehezkeli shows a man described as pro-Palestinian shopping in a supermarket in Amsterdam while wearing a T-shirt bearing the words “October 7.”
The reference appears to point to October 7, 2023, the date of Hamas’s attack on Israel. The image has been interpreted as reflecting the continued significance of that date among some supporters of Hamas, who view the events through the lens of resistance and victory despite the devastating consequences of the ensuing war in Gaza.
Yehezkeli argues that the scene illustrates the persistence of support for the October 7 attacks and the broader discourse surrounding them. "The shirt is a reminder that, in their eyes, the war is far from over. Those who understand this have no reason to despair."
Government expands housing discounts for reservists nationwide
Netanyahu, Katz and Smotrich unveil housing plan offering 20,000 reservists apartments and land, with discounts topping NIS 500,000.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Construction and Housing Minister Chaim Katz, and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich issued a joint statement on Sunday in which they presented the ‘From Reserve Duty to a Key’ program that will significantly expand housing benefits for reservists. The program is designed to provide a wide-ranging response for thousands of reservists and enable them to purchase an apartment or land under preferential terms and with significant discounts.
The program was formulated against the backdrop of high demand among reservists: In the latest "Discount Apartment" lottery, 25,354 reservists registered, of whom 4,734 won. Under the program, approximately 20,000 housing solutions will be added for reservists across the country during the years 2026-2027, including about 16,000 apartments under the ‘Target Price’ program and about 4,000 plots for ground-adjacent construction.
As part of the Target Price lotteries, priority for reservists will be expanded from 50% to 75% of the apartments, with an additional 25% allocated with preference for combat reservists. The discount on purchasing an apartment will amount to over NIS 500,000.
In addition, benefits for reservists purchasing plots for ground-adjacent construction in National Priority Areas A will be expanded, granting a full exemption from payment for the value of the land (excluding development costs).
The move is intended to significantly expand the supply of housing solutions for reservists and provide a response to those who have borne the burden throughout the years of war, by increasing the number of apartments and plots made available to them and deepening the benefits granted to them.
(All remarks have been translated from Hebrew.)
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu:
"Our heroic reservists give everything for the country, and they deserve everything. To date, the government has transferred, either through Government decisions or legislation, a massive sum of NIS 25 billion to the reservists and their families as well. And today we are bringing more news about massive support in housing. The Government is going to instruct the Land Authority, and the Housing Minister will speak about this shortly. We are going to instruct to provide either land for free in Priority Area A, or discounts of up to NIS 500,000. That is over NIS 500,000 in the Target Price program. This is huge news for 20,000 reservists who are without housing. They will be able to access and receive these things either this year, 2026, or by the year 2027. There has never been anything like this. It is about time."
Minister of Construction and Housing Chaim Katz: "A month ago, we concluded a 'Discount Apartment' lottery, to which 25,000 reservists registered and about 4,000 of them won. We decided to make another 20,000 apartments available to the reservists, over 4,000 of which already this year and another 10,000 in 2027, with each of the winners enjoying a discount of over NIS 500,000. Those who gave must also know how to receive, and the state will give back to its reservists, because they are the main resource we have today."
Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich: "From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions. Following the discounts and priority for reservists, we have made a significant decision together with the Prime Minister and the Housing Minister, according to which all reservists without housing who applied for the 'Discount Apartment' lottery will receive an apartment. Dear reservists - you deserve this."
https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/431459
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-905024
Reservists to be granted increased housing benefits under new government plan
"From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions," Smotrich said.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Construction and Housing Minister Haim Katz, and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced a new program on Sunday to help IDF reservists find affordable housing, a joint statement announced.
The program, titled "From Reserve Duty to a Key," is meant to expand housing benefits and provide approximately 20,000 housing solutions, including 16,000 apartments, in the years 2026 and 2027.
One feature of the program is increased priority in apartment discount lotteries. In the latest iteration of the lotteries, 25,354 reservists participated, of which 4,734 won. The percentage of reservist winners will increase, and the discount given will amount to more than NIS 500,000, the government said.
Katz praised the discount lottery system, saying that another 20,000 units would be added to the pool.
"Those who gave must also know how to receive," he said, adding that "the state will give back to its reservists, because they are the main resource we have today."
'Heroic reservists' deserve benefits, housing minister says
Reservists who wish to construct housing will also receive increased benefits, and will be exempted from payment for the value of the land.
Meant to "expand the supply of housing solutions for reservists," Netanyahu praised the initiative as a historic move.
"Our heroic reservists give everything for the country, and they deserve everything," he said.
"To date, the government has transferred, either through Government decisions or legislation, a massive sum of NIS 25 billion to the reservists and their families as well. And today we are bringing more news about massive support in housing."
"There has never been anything like this. It is about time."
Smotrich described the plan as only a part of a greater show of appreciation for the country's soldiers.
"From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions," he said.
"Following the discounts and priority for reservists, we have made a significant decision together with the prime minister and the housing minister, according to which all reservists without housing who applied for the "Discount Apartment" lottery will receive an apartment. Dear reservists – you deserve this."
Officials in a Middle Eastern country advised officials in another country to show flexibility, sign an agreement with Israel, and violate it if a large-scale military conflict breaks out.
Officials in one of the countries in the region advised officials in another country to adopt a policy of tactical flexibility and reach an agreement with Israel, with the aim of “lulling" Israel into a false sense of security while preparations were underway for a large-scale military campaign.
Kan Reshet Bet reported that during contacts between the sides, the officials suggested that their counterparts reach an agreement with Israel in order to violate it at a later stage, while continuing parallel preparations for military action.
This approach is consistent with the pattern of conduct adopted by Yahya Sinwar, who created the impression in Israel that he was prepared to maintain calm in exchange for calm, while simultaneously working on plans for the October 7 massacre.
The reports raise a particularly troubling question: Similar to what Israel experienced with Hamas before October 7, is Israel once again convincing itself that countries in the region are genuinely interested in advancing normalization with the state? In other words, is Israel once again falling victim to a “conception"?
Inside Israel's endless manhunt for the October 7th terrorists
A special unit established after Oct. 7 operates around the clock to settle the score with Hamas militants who led the massacre, took part in it, and held hostages.
Following the October 7 massacre, Israel’s defense establishment launched a mission to track down and eliminate those involved in planning, facilitating and carrying out the attacks, including operatives involved in holding and abusing hostages.
To carry out the mission, the IDF and Shin Bet established a joint unit known as NILI, the Hebrew acronym for Netzach Yisrael Lo Yishaker (The Eternal One of Israel does not lie) named after the Jewish underground intelligence network that operated in the Land of Israel during World War I.
Channel 12 provided a first look at the unit’s strike cell and spoke with operators who continue working around the clock to identify and eliminate Hamas terrorists connected to the October 7 atrocities.
During the war, Israeli security forces have eliminated much of Hamas’ senior command and planning echelon, including Mohammed Deif, Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Sinwar and Saleh al-Arouri. More recently, forces also reached Izz al-Din al-Haddad.
A military officer involved in the operation explained that NILI’s mission extends from the terrorists who carried out the attacks to those who participated in holding the hostages.
“This can be the driver who drove a tractor, and it can be the Hamas officer who led a raid," he said.
The unit’s target list has expanded throughout the war. According to the head of the targets division, the focus eventually broadened to include Hamas members who held, abused or encountered hostages during their captivity.
Among those targeted were the terrorist who called his father after October 7 and boasted that he had killed 10 Jews, as well as terrorists involved in decapitor of several hostages. The hunt for the terrorist responsible for the murder of IDF soldier and scout Noa Marciano continued for a year and a half before he was ultimately eliminated.
“This was a Sisyphean task, work that also included failures and missed opportunities. But you do not forget it. You do not forget your responsibility to kill this evil."
NILI maintains a target bank containing thousands of names. One soldier described the painstaking daily process inside the unit’s operations room.
“We have an Excel file; we consolidate all the terrorists’ names there, and every day we ‘delete a line,’" the soldier said. “I’ve already deleted dozens of lines. I delete a line and immediately think about the next one, even before I process what I feel about it."
The unit combines multiple intelligence capabilities to locate its targets, including footage recovered from terrorists’ GoPro cameras, artificial intelligence systems and information provided by field agents.
Since the ceasefire agreement with Hamas took effect last October, the pace of operations has increased. With Hamas no longer holding Israeli hostages, the Air Force and ground forces have greater freedom of action, while testimony from released hostages and interrogations of detainees captured during military operations have provided intelligence that has helped security forces rapidly identify and strike additional targets.
https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/431425
The new police desk leading charge against anti-Israel activists
A Judea and Samaria-based special police desk has helped deport 47 foreign activists and block 130 others from entering Israel amid a crackdown on BDS activity.
Exclusive: A special desk established at the Judea and Samaria Police Central Unit to focus on anti-Israel activists brought about the deportation of 47 foreign activists from Israel. Likewise, since the beginning of 2026 alone, 130 foreign activists have been refused entry to Israel.
The desk's role is to monitor the activities of those foreign elements who come from outside the country to harm the legitimacy of the State of Israel, obstruct the actions of the security forces, and act against Jewish residential activity.
The desk staff works to collect data and information on the activists and transfer the findings to the Interior Ministry and the Population and Immigration Authority.
Minister of Diaspora Affairs Amichai Chikli and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir held a special meeting to discuss police operations against foreign BDS activists and anarchists who act in Judea and Samaria in an attempt to harm Jewish residents and Israeli security operations.
As repeated IDF call-ups stretches into a third year, the nonprofit is helping lone reservists rebuild their civilian lives after months on the battlefield.
By Tania Shalom Michaelian
When Israeli reservists return from the battlefield, many come home to families who have kept life moving while they were away. Someone has paid the bills, spoken to the landlord, opened official letters and made sure there is food in the refrigerator. A lone reservist may return to an empty apartment and face it all alone.
“For years, the system saw reservists as soldiers while they were in uniform, but it did not always account for what happened when they went home,” Levi Preger told JNS in a recent interview.
Preger is community manager of Growing Wings, a nonprofit supporting lone soldiers and lone reservists. Since Oct. 7, 2023, he has served more than 300 days in the IDF reserves while trying to maintain his university studies and civilian life.
Levi Preger, community manager of Growing Wings, a nonprofit
that supports lone reservists in Israel as they transition from military
service back to civilian life. Photo by Asher Smith.
His own journey to Israel began in an unexpected way.
When he was 17, his grandmother received a letter from the German government informing her that she was eligible for benefits as the descendant of someone persecuted by the Nazis.
That was how Preger, who grew up in a small town in the Netherlands in a family that celebrated Christmas and Easter, learned that his great-grandmother had survived the Holocaust and concealed her Jewish identity after the war.
He began researching Judaism, contacted a Chabad rabbi and celebrated his bar mitzvah at 18. After visiting Israel on a Birthright trip, he decided to make aliyah. He moved to Israel at 20, studied Hebrew and enlisted in the Nahal Reconnaissance Battalion.
“I did not just want to move to Israel,” he said. “I wanted to integrate, contribute and take responsibility for the country I had chosen to make my home.”
In the summer of 2023, after completing his mandatory military service, Preger returned briefly to the Netherlands before beginning studies in government and international relations at Reichman University in Herzliya.
On Oct. 7, he watched in horror as news of the Hamas attack unfolded.
He immediately began searching for a flight back to Israel. It took him four days to find a seat.
After landing, he rejoined his reserve unit, which was helping evacuate civilians and rescue wounded soldiers.
His parents remained in the Netherlands while Preger returned to war without close family in Israel.
A gap exposed by war
During their mandatory service, lone soldiers are formally recognized by the Israel Defense Forces. They receive assistance from welfare officers, social workers and dedicated military programs, as well as support for housing and finances.
After discharge, however, much of that framework disappears, even though many former lone soldiers continue serving in the reserves for years.
“The biggest difference is that a lone soldier serves within a clearly defined support framework, while a lone reservist often does not,” Preger said.
Before Oct. 7, Israel’s reserve system was generally built around relatively short call-ups. It was not designed for thousands of reservists serving for months at a time, returning briefly to work or university and then being mobilized again.
For those without family support, prolonged reserve duty can threaten their housing, education, income and, in some cases, even their ability to remain in Israel.
Preger experienced firsthand how quickly an informal support network can disappear. For a time, his girlfriend’s family provided the kind of practical help his own family could not offer from abroad. When the relationship ended, so did that support.
During a Knesset Immigration and Absorption Committee hearing, he described lone reservists sleeping on a different couch every night. Others returned from duty to find their businesses had collapsed or their studies had fallen apart.
“The war did not create every one of these challenges,” he said. “But it exposed their scale.”
Not only new immigrants
The term “lone reservist” may bring to mind a young immigrant whose parents live abroad. That describes many, but not all.
Growing Wings estimates that 55% of the lone reservists in its network are immigrants, while 45% were born in Israel. The latter include orphans, people who grew up in foster care or the welfare system, individuals estranged from their families and those who left closed religious communities.
Many are in their late 20s or early 30s. They are students, professionals, small-business owners, spouses and sometimes parents themselves. They may have built independent lives, but they lack the extended family network that many Israelis take for granted.
“What unites them is not where they were born,” Preger said. “It is that when they leave the battlefield and return to civilian life, there is often no parental or extended-family safety net waiting for them.”
The IDF now officially recognizes lone reservists as a distinct population. According to Preger, that gives commanders and welfare personnel a clearer way to identify those who may need assistance.
It has also opened access to additional welfare support, mental-health resources, administrative accommodations, assistance in urgent cases, special leave to handle personal matters and, in certain circumstances, reimbursements for reservists who returned from abroad to serve.
Preger sees the recognition as an important first step. The real test, he said, is whether lone reservists know what assistance is available and can access it when they need it.
Some are unaware of the benefits to which they are entitled. Others encounter complex bureaucracy or narrow eligibility requirements. A housing crisis cannot always wait for formal approval, and many of the problems reservists face fall outside the military system.
That is where Growing Wings steps in.
More than financial assistance
Growing Wings was founded in 2019 by Max Long, a former lone soldier and active IDF reservist. Today, more than 700 lone reservists participate in its active networks and community channels.
Since Oct. 7, 2023, the organization says it has assisted more than 2,000 lone soldiers and lone reservists with emergency aid, housing, furniture, moving services, mental-health referrals, bureaucratic guidance, and legal and professional support.
Its role is often to help reservists navigate a maze of assistance spread across the IDF, government agencies, universities, employers and nonprofit organizations. Someone returning from months in the field may not know which office is responsible, or have the energy to tell the same story over and over again.
Preger believes the support that matters most is often the kind families provide without thinking about it.
“When you do not have parents or close relatives in the country, you may not have someone to review a lease, help you understand a government letter, host you for dinner after weeks in the field, connect you to a job or recognize that you are struggling before you ask for help,” he said.
One incident in Gaza showed Long how the community built around lone soldiers can endure long after the original need has passed.
His reserve squad was positioned far from the rest of its unit and was running short of food, water and other supplies. He entered a building where other Israeli soldiers were stationed and asked whether they had anything to spare.
Someone inside called his name.
The soldier was a former lone soldier whom Long and Growing Wings had helped several years earlier. After learning what the team needed, he quickly gathered food, water and whatever other supplies he could find.
This time, the person who had once received support was providing it.
For Preger, the encounter captures the meaning behind Growing Wings’ guiding principle: “For lone soldiers, by lone soldiers.”
“The goal is not only to intervene when someone cannot pay rent or needs a place to sleep,” he said. “It is to build relationships that continue long after the immediate crisis has passed.”
From emergency response to permanent support
Preger said he experienced firsthand what effective institutional support can look like at Reichman University.
After repeated reserve call-ups disrupted his studies, the university appointed an adviser who communicated with his professors and helped him develop a plan to catch up.
But not every reservist has an employer, landlord or university willing to make similar accommodations.
At the beginning of the war, civil society mobilized with meals, equipment, grants and housing. As the war continued, however, that first wave of assistance began to recede. The consequences of repeated reserve service did not.
Nearly three years after Oct. 7, reserve duty remains part of daily life in Israel. Under the government’s framework for 2026, as many as 40,000 reservists may be serving on an average day, moving constantly between combat and civilian life.
“The systems were largely designed for short-term emergencies,” Preger said. “Lone reservists are now living through a marathon.”
He is calling for a permanently funded national framework that would accompany lone soldiers into reserve service and coordinate military, government, academic, employment, housing and mental-health support.
Civil-society organizations would remain an important part of that framework because they can respond to personal circumstances that do not fit neatly into official categories. But basic protections, Preger said, should not depend on a reservist finding the right nonprofit or knowing whom to call.
“If someone gives hundreds of days to defend the country, they should not have to prove their isolation over and over again or risk losing the civilian life they are serving to protect,” he said.
For most reservists, family is an unspoken part of Israel’s military system. It is the support structure that keeps civilian life functioning while they serve and helps them regain their footing when they return.
Growing Wings is trying to build that home front for those who do not have one.
“The central challenge is no longer simply helping someone survive one call-up,” Preger said. “It is making sure repeated service does not destroy the civilian future they are trying to build.”
