Defense Minister Israel Katz ordered the IDF to prepare for a long-term stay in Lebanon, saying Israel will not withdraw from its security zones in Lebanon, Syria, or Gaza.
Minister of Defense Israel Katz on Wednesday visited IDF forces operating in the Lebanese villages that border Israel.
During the visit, Minister Katz received a comprehensive review from the commanders of both overt and covert operational activities in the area and discussed with them the necessary preparations for continuing the campaign against Hezbollah. Katz later spoke with soldiers in the field, voiced appreciation for their fight against the terrorists, and praised the operational achievements they accumulated.
During the visit, the Defense Minister instructed the military to prepare administratively and operationally for a long-term stay in the territory, while ensuring that the area is cleared of terrorist and underground infrastructure.
"We see here the Beaufort Ridge after the tunnels there were destroyed. The IDF conducted a maneuver here through the Litani in a heroic operation and, with great skill, defeated Hezbollah and took the Beaufort, which defends Metula and the communities of the north and on IDF soldiers and threatens all Hezbollah areas on the horizon," Katz stated.
Katz affirmed: "As the Prime Minister and I clarified unequivocally, we are not withdrawing from this security zone. I am standing here in the heart of the security zone, from the sea in the west until the Beaufort area and the slopes of Mount Hermon in the east. The IDF is here to defend the northern communities and its forces; we will clear out this entire area, and we will ensure security for the residents of the north. Under no circumstances will we withdraw from the security zones: not in Lebanon, not in Syria, and not in Gaza. The lesson learned from October 7th is that we are protecting the residents by the IDF being here, in these places, and protecting them from invasions, shooting, and everything else. This is our chance; this is our policy; this is our approach."
Katz added: “The Beaufort fortress illustrates more than anything else the significance of this policy: we are up here, they are down there; the residents are protected, the IDF is inside, and 200,000 residents are outside. We are destroying the underground infrastructure and all the terrorist infrastructure they built with Iranian backing to invade the Galilee, and we are destroying all the homes in the area. This is our policy. We will continue it and will in no way allow jihadist enemies of this kind to threaten our residents or our borders. We are up here, they are down there, the residents are outside, the soldiers are inside, and the homes are destroyed."
Katz was accompanied on the visit by Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Tamir Yadai, Northern Command chief Maj. Gen. Rafi Milo, 36th Division commander Brig. Gen. Yiftah Norkin, Defense Minister’s Military Secretary Brig. Gen. Hisham Ibrahim, and other commanders in the field.
The secret northern pool: A short summer route leading to a cool spring
A year-round spring, ancient mill, and Syrian camp await on a short Nahal Jilabun trail - ideal for a refreshing northern dip without a full-day hike.
Officers' Pool
Looking for a place to take a dip in the summer without committing to a long and challenging route? Hidden in the northern Golan Heights is a trail leading to a Syrian officers' pool, a year-round flowing spring, and an ancient flour mill, with the walk spanning less than two kilometers.
During days when the heat turns every outing into a major operation, routes ending in water become particularly attractive. The Kinneret Drainage and Streams Authority notes that one of the places worth knowing is located in Nahal Jilabun, in the lower section of the stream, not far from the Jordan River.
The route leads to Ein Jilabun, also known as Ein Jalabina, a spring that flows throughout the year. Beside the spring is a pool where visitors can enjoy wading in the cool water, surrounded by trees and vegetation that offer a bit of shade. The pool is not full today, partly due to its condition and water extraction, but the water on site still offers a refreshing refuge from the heat.
The uniqueness of the location is not only in its water. Ein Jilabun served in the past as part of a Syrian military camp that operated in the area until the Six Day War. The structures adjacent to the pool were used by Syrian officers, hence the name "the Officers' Pool."
The path to the spring also passes through the remains of an ancient flour mill and an aqueduct, which was apparently used in the past to convey water from the Ein Jilabun spring to operate the mill. Along the way, visitors can also take in the view of Nahal Jilabun just before it flows into the Jordan River.
What does the route look like?
The trail begins on a wide dirt road that passes between fruit orchards. After about 500 meters, turn right and continue for another 600 meters along the dirt road until reaching a left turn.
From here, the route transitions into a walking segment over basalt stones, heading against the flow of the water. After about 200 meters, you will reach the area of the ancient flour mill and the aqueduct structure. From there, continue up a gentle incline for another 200 meters to Ein Jilabun.
Overall, this is a relatively short route, making it suitable for those seeking a brief summer excursion with a clear and refreshing destination at the end.
How to get there? In Waze: Gesher Hapkak. For those arriving from south to north, immediately after crossing Gesher Hapakak, turn following the red trail marker onto a wide dirt road on the right. You can park your vehicle in this area and set out on the walking route.
https://www.jpost.com/travel/article-905140
Ein Jilabun Officers’ Pool in the Golan Heights6 min rea
Ein Jilabun is a historic officers’ pool located on the Jilabun Stream. Getting there is simple and includes a light walking route of about 1.5 kilometers from the car park.
The officers’ pools in the Golan Heights are another reminder of the Syrian regime that ruled the place until the 1967 Six-Day War. The Syrian army officers who lived at the site took advantage of the natural springs there and built impressive and luxurious pools next to their bases and outposts, which improved their standard of living. Ein Jilabun is one of those pools, four in total which are located in the Golan Heights. Among the others: Ein Jones, and perhaps the most famous one – Ein Almin – all built in a similar manner.
Despite this, the officers’ pool in the Jilabun River is without a doubt one of the most beautiful among the four. If you are looking for a short recommended hike in the Golan Heights that combines all the things that this wonderful area has to offer – running water, scenery, and green vegetation – this route is recommended for you.
The Jilabun River
Nahal Jilabun- or in its official name “Nahal Devorah” – is a stream and nature reserve located in the center of the Golan Heights along which are two large waterfalls: Deborah Waterfall, which is about 10 meters high, and Jilabun Waterfall, which is about 42 meters high – the second-highest in the country after Gamla Waterfall. The reserve is located about 4 km northeast of Kibbutz Gadot.
The stream begins near Kibbutz Ortal and continues southwest through the abandoned Syrian villages of Nefach and Elika. The Elika springs that flow in this area turn the stream into a gushing stream, and it continues west in a narrow canyon to the Hula Valley. In this part of the creek, there are several waterfalls. The stream flows into the Jordan in the area of ”the Cork Bridge” – the starting point of our route.
Officers’ Pool – Ein Jilabun
The officers’ pool in the Jilabun stream has been given the abbreviated name “Ein Jilabun”, after the Jilabun stream that flows nearby and fills the pool with its waters. Like the other officers’ pools in the Golan Heights, the Jilabun pool was built right inside a Syrian outpost for the benefit of the officers who served there until the Six-Day War, and the old and ruined buildings next to the pool were a kind of “spa complex”. And indeed, the place is definitely relaxing and pampering, with clear and cool water and a pastoral Galilee atmosphere.
The spring that fills the officers’ pool is Ein Jelbina (Ein Jilabun). The water stream of the spring was also used in the past for the operation of a flour mill, which is still in place. Since its cessation of use, nature has “occupied” the place, the tree roots have broken its stones and grown right inside the arches and the mechanism structure of the mill. A small, cracked aqueduct that was used for the plant is now covered with raspberry bushes and fig trees.
The pool complex has an extensive area built on several levels, and an open view of the Hula Valley unfolds in front of it. It is recommended to arrive at the place with a coffee set or a picnic basket ready, and just enjoy the peace and the view.
The aqueduct
By the way – a well-known story tells us about the connection between the Israeli spy Eli Cohen and the officers’ pool. According to the stories, it was Eli Cohen who recommended that senior Syrian army officials plant eucalyptus trees around their army bases in the Golan Heights, in order to hide them from the eyes of Israeli intelligence. On the other hand, he reported it back to his operators in Israel, and this information helped the Air Force easily find and locate the bases and bomb them during the Six-Day War, which contributed greatly to its success.
Now, more than 50 years later, while we are sitting in a shaded and pleasant pool – we can also thank Eli Cohen as we remember one of the most important episodes of the fierce and difficult fight in the Golan Heights.
Please note that this is one of the most popular places in the region, so if you want to enjoy some quiet and space you should get there in the early morning. In the afternoon, and especially on holidays and weekends, the pool can be crowded. It is advisable to come prepared with suitable equipment, especially sunscreen, a hat, and other sun protection.
Ein Jilabun from above.
Getting to Ein Jilabun and the Hiking Route
In order to reach the Jilabun Officers’ Pool, you must drive in the direction of the Customs House junction on Road 888. At the Customs House junction, turn left and continue west until you reach the Gadot junction (along the slopes of the Golan Heights, after the Bnot Yaakov bridge). From there, turn right towards Road 918, and continue for another three kilometers until you reach the Pkak (Cork) bridge, next to which we will park the vehicle.
The distance from the parking lot to the officers’ pool is relatively short and is about 1.5 kilometers long. The paths leading to the pool are marked and easy to walk, And we will take the one marked in red which consists of walking to the pool and back the same way – towards the pool with a moderate ascent and in the opposite direction with a moderate descent. Part of the road is shaded, but part is exposed to the sun.
A short walk between the water paths of the Jilabun River, through the ancient flour mill under the shade of the eucalyptus trees – and before you notice you will reach Ein Jilabun.
In Waze: Pkak bridge.
For those who are interested, you can combine the visit to the officers’ pool with other trips in the area, in the wonderful Jilabun River Reserve which contains quite a few lovely places, and of course the famous Jilabun Waterfall with the pool below it.
Tips and Recommendations
As mentioned the place is highly recommended for a picnic. Just remember: you cooked, ate, consumed – make sure to leave the place clean after.
It is recommended to reach the hike with shoes that are suitable for walking in the water.
And of course, do not forget the constant warning about the minefields of the Golan Heights – always stay on the marked trails only and pay attention to the signs and fences (and respect them).
Milton Berle and Otto Preminger in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
The Shomrim Society is the fraternal organization of Jewish members of the New York City Police Department (NYPD). (It does not refer to civilian neighborhood watch patrols, also known as “Shomrim,” that operate in Brooklyn and other localities; those are separate, volunteer community safety groups and not formally affiliated with the NYPD Shomrim Society discussed here.) The Society was first established in 1924 as a fraternal and charitable organization for Jewish officers of the New York City Police Department. Formed with the approval of then‑Police Commissioner Richard Enright, its creation paralleled similar ethnically or religiously oriented fraternal groups within the department, such as the Knights of Columbus (for Catholic members) and Masonic societies.
At the initial meeting held at Liberty Hall on Houston and Norfolk Streets, approximately 240 Jewish policemen joined the newly formed society out of an NYPD force that at the time included roughly 700 Jewish members, representing only about one percent of total personnel. Lieutenant Jacob Kaminsky was elected the first president, with Sergeant Morris Greenberg as first vice‑president, Patrolman Harry Schreiber as second vice‑president, and Detective Morris Borkim as recording secretary. The Jewish chaplain of the NYPD, Dr. Isidore Frank, announced the society’s formation to the public.
Shomrim Society Purim poster (2026) (Saul Jay Singer)
The impetus for the society’s creation reportedly stemmed from both a desire for camaraderie among Jewish officers and the need to foster religious solidarity and mutual support at a time when Jewish law enforcement personnel were a distinct minority in the department. One oft‑recounted anecdote from the group’s history describes how a younger Jewish officer on patrol was told that he “might feel more at home with a salami, rather than a nightstick, under his arm,” a remark that, whether apocryphal or literal, highlighted the social tensions and cultural dissonance some Jewish officers felt in early 20th‑century policing.
From its inception, the Shomrim Society aimed to operate similarly to other fraternal police organizations: promoting welfare, fellowship, and support among Jewish law enforcement officers while integrating them more fully into the broader civic fabric of New York. Its chartered purposes included strengthening religious spirit among Jewish officers, providing a network of mutual assistance, and fostering goodwill both within the NYPD and in the wider community. Early annual reports and society letterhead reportedly bore a mission statement along the lines of “so that Law Enforcement Officers of the Jewish faith may join together for the welfare of all.”
The historical context of its founding is important. In the 1920s, American Jewish communities, particularly immigrant families from Eastern Europe, were achieving increasing presence in public institutions, including law enforcement, but still faced social prejudice and cultural challenges. Within this milieu, a distinct society for Jewish officers provided a forum for professional solidarity and a space to honor religious observances, support one another in times of need, and engage with Jewish communal life more broadly.
During the Great Depression era and into the late 1930s, the Society grew significantly as thousands of Jewish applicants entered the civil service lists to take police exams in pursuit of stable employment. Civil service lists from 1935 to 1937 added approximately 400 new Shomrim members as applicants passed tests and joined the department; around 1939, of the 33,000 applicants who sat for the NYPD entrance exam, about 1,440 passed and roughly one‑third of those were Jewish, numbers that reflect a remarkable increase of Jewish participation in the police force relative to earlier decades. A generation of Jewish officers from that period rose through the ranks, with some achieving senior leadership positions including Chief Inspector, Chief of Detectives, and high command roles in Narcotics and Organized Crime bureaus by the 1960s.
One of the Shomrim Society’s early presidents who gained broader public attention was Max Finkelstein, a longtime captain in the NYPD. In 1938, Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia selected Finkelstein to lead a special squad tasked with guarding visiting officials from Nazi Germany and the German consulate in New York, at a time of rising global tensions and antisemitic provocations; this appointment underscored not only the competence of Jewish officers but also the growing civic trust placed in them.
Max Finkelstein portrait (Saul Jay Singer)
Max Finkelstein (1884-1940) was born in the Russian Empire and emigrated to the United States, where he entered the New York City Police Department on May 29, 1911, beginning what would become a nearly three‑decade career. He rose to the rank of Captain and served with distinction, eventually becoming president of the Shomrim Society, his tenure coinciding with a turbulent era in global and American history, marked by the rise of Nazism in Europe, increasing antisemitism, and profound anxieties within the Jewish community about events abroad and attitudes at home.
Finkelstein became nationally known in 1938 when New York City Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia appointed him to lead a special NYPD detail charged with safeguarding officials from Nazi Germany who were visiting New York, and with protecting the German consulate and embassy premises. La Guardia’s decision was reported in contemporary news accounts, including The New York Times, which noted that the police detail guarding German officials was composed solely of Jewish officers, a remarkable and provocative arrangement given the regime those officials represented. La Guardia’s motivation for this appointment must be understood in light of his well‑documented opposition to Nazism and antisemitism; he frequently spoke out against Nazi policies, protested violence against Jews in Germany, and worked to broaden diversity in municipal appointments and civil service. In 1937 and 1938, he publicly denounced Nazism, promoted anti‑Nazi events, and supported expanded civil rights in New York more broadly, including for Jewish residents who were alarmed by the rise of fascism abroad.
The reaction to the assignment was polarized. The Nazi press in Germany was incensed; Der Angriff, a Nazi newspaper, published Captain Finkelstein’s photograph on its front page and denounced his appointment as a “provocation,” explicitly framing the decision in deeply antisemitic terms and questioning how Americans would react if Jewish Americans in Germany were to be guarded by black policemen. This outcry reflected the Nazi regime’s broader ideological fixation on racial hierarchy and antisemitic nationalism, and the disproportionate publicity given to the assignment underscored how politically charged the situation was on both sides of the Atlantic.
Within the Jewish community in New York and the United States, La Guardia’s choice was received almost universally as an affirmation of Jewish dignity and a rebuke to the Nazis. Jewish newspapers and communal leaders celebrated the appointment as symbolic resistance to antisemitism; indeed, many saw it as a dramatic repudiation of Nazi ideology on American soil. This broader public reaction should be understood against the backdrop of American Jewish activism against Nazism in the 1930s, which included boycotts of German goods, mass demonstrations, and vocal pressure on political leaders to oppose pro‑Nazi sentiments.
For the general American public, the reaction was more mixed but largely leaned toward admiration for La Guardia’s firmness against antisemitism and far right extremism. Newspapers beyond the Jewish press covered the story in ways that underscored its symbolic significance, with The New York Times reporting the formation of an all-Jewish guard detail for German officials and newspapers across the country following both the initial shock and the sustained commentary. Historians note that such publicity helped discredit pro‑Nazi and antisemitic movements in the U.S., which were active in the late 1930s through organizations like the German‑American Bund, and helped cement New York City’s reputation as a bastion of diverse civic values. (It is difficult not to imagine what the antisemitic Mayor Mandani would have done under similar circumstances.)
Finkelstein’s life after this period took a tragic turn. In 1940, after nearly three decades of “spotless” service with the NYPD, he requested retirement, but was informed that he would be required to face charges related to irregular bail bonds. Before the matter could be resolved, he died by suicide on May 3, 1940 and his funeral was attended by a crowd estimated at 10,000 people, a testament to the deep respect in which he was held in the New York policing community and beyond.
Margin of Error Playbill (front cover) (Saul Jay Singer)
Margin of Error Playbill (first of three cast pages) (Saul Jay Singer)
Finkelstein’s experience guarding Nazi officials later inspired a fictionalized character in the 1939 Broadway play Margin for Error and the 1943 film adaptation, where his unique role during a fraught period served as dramatic subject matter. The play was written by Clare Boothe Luce, a prominent American playwright, journalist and later diplomat who was already well known for her 1936 comedy The Women, which had become a major theatrical success. She turned her talents in Margin for Error toward satire and sharp critique of Nazism at a moment when World War II had already begun in Europe and America was debating its own stance toward fascism abroad.
The Broadway production opened on November 3, 1939 at the Plymouth Theatre in New York, where it ultimately ran for 264 performances, a solid commercial run by the standards of the time. Otto Preminger, then a stage actor and director who had recently emigrated from Austria to the United States, directed the production and starred in it as Karl Baumer, the Nazi consul at the center of the story. Following its Broadway success, Preminger also took the play on a national tour in 1940.
Margin for Error handbill (Saul Jay Singer)
As a Broadway play, Margin for Error was a mystery satire with a definite political edge. The plot centers on a German consul in an unnamed American city, Karl Baumer, whose dubious character – he lies, steals, manipulates and maligns everyone around him – makes him widely disliked. When Baumer is found dead, virtually every person present at the consulate has a motive for murder. Posing as both comic relief and social commentary is Officer Finkelstein, a Jewish policeman assigned by a prankish mayor modeled on real‑life Fiorello La Guardia to guard the consul despite his personal distaste for Nazism. As Finkelstein investigates, each suspect’s motive unfolds, from betrayal of comrades to personal grudges, and the mystery resolves in a twist: the consul’s death turns out to be accidental because he drank poison he had intended for someone else. Along the way, the play skewers Nazi ideology and diplomatic hypocrisy while weaving a detective story that keeps its audience guessing.
Contemporary coverage confirmed that the play’s blend of comedy and political critique was unusual for its time. In Time magazine’s 1939 review, even though Margin for Error included sharp laughs and lively dialogue, it was recognized as one of the first successful anti‑Nazi dramas of that season, breaking a streak of earlier flops in the genre. Reviewers noted that its satirical approach, presenting Hitlerism in an American setting and poking fun at German officials, managed to entertain while carrying an underlying message about democracy versus fascism. Indeed, when the play was still in pre‑Broadway tryouts, the German Embassy in Washington protested to the U.S. State Department that the play was “derogatory” to the Reich, inadvertently giving it free publicity and underscoring the charged political climate in which it premiered.
Milton Berle in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
Otto Preminger in Margin for Error (Saul Jay Singer)
The film adaptation was released in 1943, directed by Preminger, with a screenplay credited to Lillie Hayward and revised by Samuel Fuller (uncredited). It was produced by Ralph Dietrich for 20th Century‑Fox with Preminger also reprising his stage role as Karl Baumer. Comedian Milton Berle starred as Officer “Moe” Finkelstein, and Joan Bennett played Sophie Baumer, the consul’s conflicted wife. Other notable cast members included Carl Esmond as Baron Max von Alvenstor and Howard Freeman as Otto Horst, among an ensemble that supported the film’s blend of mystery, comedy, and wartime messaging.
Where the play functioned primarily as satire and a political whodunit closely reflecting the real‑world tensions of its moment, the film underwent notable changes. Studios purchased the screen rights in 1941, but initially shelved the project; by the time production commenced, the United States had entered World War II and the anti‑Nazi message that was radical in 1939 was by 1942 essentially mainstream wartime propaganda. As a result, the screenplay was updated in tone and structure: the studio removed some of the more overt political scenes (for example, a subplot about rescuing a concentration camp prisoner that appeared in the stage version) and eliminated the character of a Nazi Bund leader present in the play. In the film, the story is recast as a flashback told by Finkelstein (Berle) while he serves as a U.S. soldier, allowing the narrative to serve both as mystery comedy and morale‑boosting wartime entertainment. Preminger and Fuller worked to adapt Luce’s original political statement into a story that would bolster American resolve and reflect ongoing war aims rather than critique fascism from the outside as the play had done.
The plot of the film shares its basic skeleton with the play – Finkelstein is reluctantly assigned to protect a Nazi consul, comes to observe the villainy around him, and discovers multiple suspects with motives for murder – but it introduces additional intrigue and action characteristic of Hollywood storytelling. In the film, Consul Baumer is in trouble with Berlin for embezzling saboteur funds, his wife despises him, his secretary Max is disenchanted with his orders, and a group of German saboteurs are poised to strike an American port. The plot layers murder mystery with espionage, culminating in the sabotage plot’s foiling and the revelation that Baumer died by poisoning intended for another, consistent with the play’s twist but amplified with action elements.
Modern reviewers often view Margin for Error as a historical curiosity rather than a cinematic classic. Some appreciate it for its craftsmanship, period value, and especially for Otto Preminger’s early directorial work, which paved the way for his later career as a major Hollywood director. Others criticize the film’s uneven tone, the juxtaposition of comedic elements with serious political themes, and note that it lacks the sharper satirical edge of the original play. As one retrospective review put it, the film’s narrative and comedic choices feel dated and uneven to contemporary audiences, though its historical context as one of the early anti‑Nazi entries in Hollywood’s wartime output gives it specialized interest.
In theatrical history, Margin for Error is often discussed alongside other politically engaged works of the late 1930s and early 1940s, as an example of how Broadway responded to rising global fascism before America’s direct involvement in World War II. While it is not performed nearly as often today as the playwright’s The Women, it remains a subject of study for scholars of American drama and cultural responses to Nazism in the United States. In film history, it is similarly referenced in discussions of early wartime cinema and the evolving role of Hollywood in mobilizing audience sentiment through genre blending, combining comedy, mystery, and political messaging.
Together, the Margin for Error play and film exemplify how a single dramatic premise can be adapted across media to suit shifting cultural moments: the play as pointed stage satire in 1939, and the film as wartime cinematic entertainment and propaganda in 1943. Both versions reflect their eras’ concerns and audiences’ expectations, and their combined legacy offers insight into American cultural production on the eve and in the midst of global conflict.
* * * * *
The Shomrim Society’s acceptance by NYPD authorities and the city government over time was generally positive, reflecting both changing demographics and shifting attitudes within municipal institutions, and the very fact that Commissioner Enright approved its founding and that the Society persisted through decades suggests institutional support. As Jewish officers became more common within the NYPD and advanced in rank, the Society’s profile naturally rose. It did not operate as a political or union group in the modern sense, but rather as a professional and fraternal association, providing networking, mutual aid, and cultural affirmation, and its relationship with department leadership appears to have been cordial overall, even when its members raised concerns about antisemitism or other issues affecting Jewish personnel.
That said, the Society was not immune to controversy. Both in Finkelstein’s era and in later decades, it has on multiple occasions responded to what its members cited as religious discrimination or bias within the NYPD. One well‑documented example comes from 1998, when the Society publicly asserted that antisemitic incidents within the department had been insufficiently addressed by NYPD leadership. That year, Shomrim, then estimated to represent about 2,800 members including active, retired, and civilian personnel, took a more assertive stance in seeking accountability for alleged bias. The catalyst was an investigation involving an NYPD officer named Thomas Pappas, who reportedly admitted to returning solicitation cards with racist and antisemitic messages. Shomrim leaders demanded that Pappas be fired for conduct they considered “unforgivable” for a sworn law enforcement officer, and they further accused the department of proposing to allow him to “retire with benefits” despite the seriousness of the allegations.
Shomrim’s president at the time, Officer Stuart Portner, wrote to Police Commissioner Howard Safir – who was notably the first Jewish individual to serve as NYPD commissioner – expressing that the society was “saddened and angered by the total lack of justice this matter has engendered,” and pressed for “strongest attention” to the case. The NYPD’s deputy commissioner for public information responded that no final departmental action had been taken and that Safir “takes any sort of allegation of discrimination very seriously.” The letter reportedly went unacknowledged at the time, prompting Shomrim to go to the media to raise attention.
In addition to the Pappas case, Shomrim identified other incidents over the preceding years in which Jewish officers allegedly faced anti‑Jewish remarks, including cases where testimony about harassment was apparently not investigated and tensions arose over leave for religious observance days. Officers historically have occasionally requested Sabbath leave or time off for holidays such as Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur, and before the NYPD had formal provisions, such requests could be challenging for observant Jews. Rabbi Alvin Kass, the NYPD Shomrim Society’s longtime chaplain, later reported his efforts to ensure policies were implemented allowing officers to observe Saturdays and Jewish holidays without penalty, reflecting institutional change influenced by advocacy tied to the society’s presence.
Shomrim has generally balanced its advocacy with caution about “crying wolf,” as one retired executive secretary explained: new recruits are advised not to declare antisemitism prematurely or without evidence, because once the claim is made and disproven, future bona fide incidents may be harder to substantiate. This reflects a desire to maintain credibility while still pressing for recognition of discriminatory behavior when it genuinely occurs.
The Shomrim Society also engages in a range of benevolent and community activities beyond professional advocacy. According to its current organizational mission, it supports member families through scholarship funds, burial assistance, and various charitable programs. And annual events such as food drives, particularly a Passover distribution named for a former assistant spiritual director, and social gatherings, including family picnics and community outreach, emphasize its dual role as both a fraternal brotherhood and a community‑oriented nonprofit.
Religious and ceremonial life also play a role in the society today. The official website publishes a Shomrim prayer for the protection of law enforcement officers, soldiers of Israel and the United States, and all those who serve, affirming a connection between Jewish identity, service, and faith‑inspired concern for safety and peace. This prayer, while not formal liturgy in the denominational sense, reflects an integration of heritage and vocation that aligns with the Society’s origins.
Membership requirements reflect the organization’s foundational purpose: it is specifically limited to active, retired, auxiliary, and civilian members of the NYPD of the Jewish faith, which distinguishes the fraternal society from other groups with overlapping names or community safety missions. It is incorporated as a non‑profit organization and participates in the National Conference of Shomrim Societies, which connects Jewish law enforcement officers and public safety professionals across the United States. The National Conference, which was formed in 1958 to coordinate communication between local chapters and to support shared goals, now includes societies in roughly twenty cities nationwide, though the New York chapter remains among the most prominent and historically significant.
Quantifying exact membership numbers today is difficult because the NYPD does not officially track the religion of its officers, and data come from the Society’s own estimates rather than municipal statistics. In the late 1990s, the society estimated that Jewish officers made up about three percent of the department, which then had roughly 40,000 sworn personnel, a figure that suggests approximately 1,200 Jewish officers, though including civilian and retired members brought the Society’s total membership into the thousands. The current Society’s membership may include a broader spectrum of NYPD personnel and retirees, but precise contemporary numbers are typically maintained by the organization itself and are not publicly reported in independent sources.
In conclusion, the history of Captain Max Finkelstein’s public assignment in 1938 illustrates both the complexities of American Jewish life on the eve of World War II and the symbolic power of civic institutions to confront discrimination. The Shomrim Society’s ongoing work, whether advocating for fair treatment within the NYPD, supporting members’ religious observances, or engaging with Jewish cultural and charitable life, demonstrates how an enduring professional association can serve as both a voice for its members and a bridge between law enforcement and the communities they protect.
Israel warned US about Iran's plans to kill Trump on Air Force One, aided his escape
Trump initially boarded, in full view of the media, the aircraft that had previously served as Air Force One.
Israel provided the US administration with intelligence about the Iranian threat against US President Donald Trump, which included the use of shoulder-fired missiles against Air Force One
Trump initially boarded, in full view of the media, an aircraft that had previously served as Air Force One. Shortly afterward, however, a deception operation began: The president was placed inside an airport catering truck and driven out of sight of reporters to another aircraft, a smaller military C-32A parked nearby.
Trump then departed aboard the C-32A for a US base in the UK, under the pretext that troops stationed there wanted to take photographs with the Air Force One aircraft. From there, he flew back to Washington.
Some members of Trump's staff were unaware of the covert operation
The report detailed that the operation was kept so secret that even some members of Trump's staff did not know he was traveling aboard the third aircraft. For weeks, the impression was that Trump had returned from Turkey aboard the old Air Force One after the new presidential aircraft, which had been given to the US by Qatar, was flown separately to the UK.
In fact, journalists and some White House officials, including US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, boarded the aircraft believing that Trump was traveling with them as usual. In reality, he had already been secretly transferred to another military aircraft and was flying separately.
The Iranian threat and the switch of aircraft were revealed last month, following initial denials, but the new report discloses for the first time the details of the deception operation carried out at the airport.
The White House declined to directly address most of the details in the report. White House Communications Director Steven Cheung said the new aircraft was equipped with "high-level security protocols" intended to ensure the safety of the president and his staff.
Returning from a NATO summit in Turkey, the President was bundled off the jet in Ankara and loaded onto a separate military plane bound for the UK.
Trump had originally flown to Turkey on the $400 million Qatari–donated 747–8. But as the summit ended, he publicly announced he was ditching the new jet to board an older Air Force One model for 'old times' sake'.
After being filmed boarding the jumbo in Ankara, the secret swap was executed, where he transferred to the military plane.
The intricate scheme hoodwinked those on board, leaving unsuspecting journalists and even some senior White House staffers in the dark as they flew on the 'decoy' Air Force One flight.
The President covertly entered a food cart that had been fitted to the belly of the plane amid threats from Iranian officials.
His food cart was then loaded onto an airport catering truck, which transported him to a smaller Air Force C-32A plane.
Journalists who boarded the old Air Force One plane, believing Trump was aboard, were instructed to close their window shades.
After the two planes landed in the UK, Trump was smuggled from the C-32A to the legacy Air Force One jet and was seen descending on external stairs.
Administration officials viewed the Iranian threat as credible, taking extreme precautions to ensure the president's safety.
"It's up to Secret Service. I just follow what they'd like to do, so I go by Secret Service and the military. They wanted me to go in a different flight, a different plane ... but they wanted me to do it, so I do it. I do what they say", Trump explained.
US intelligence identified a targeted Iranian threat to launch a surface-to-air missile towards Air Force One as Trump was about to take off from Ankara.
Authorities spotted a man in the area where the summit was taking place holding a surface-to-air shoulder-mounted missile launcher.
The Iranians behind the attempted plot knew exactly where Trump was staying, including the building and floor where his room was located.
Foolish to travel to a terrorist infested country like Turkey. Who advised Trump to do that?
"The shirt is a reminder that, in their eyes, the war is far from over. Those who understand this have no reason to despair."
A photograph published by i24NEWS Hebrew journalist Tzvi Yehezkeli shows a man described as pro-Palestinian shopping in a supermarket in Amsterdam while wearing a T-shirt bearing the words “October 7.”
The reference appears to point to October 7, 2023, the date of Hamas’s attack on Israel. The image has been interpreted as reflecting the continued significance of that date among some supporters of Hamas, who view the events through the lens of resistance and victory despite the devastating consequences of the ensuing war in Gaza.
Yehezkeli argues that the scene illustrates the persistence of support for the October 7 attacks and the broader discourse surrounding them. "The shirt is a reminder that, in their eyes, the war is far from over. Those who understand this have no reason to despair."
Government expands housing discounts for reservists nationwide
Netanyahu, Katz and Smotrich unveil housing plan offering 20,000 reservists apartments and land, with discounts topping NIS 500,000.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Construction and Housing Minister Chaim Katz, and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich issued a joint statement on Sunday in which they presented the ‘From Reserve Duty to a Key’ program that will significantly expand housing benefits for reservists. The program is designed to provide a wide-ranging response for thousands of reservists and enable them to purchase an apartment or land under preferential terms and with significant discounts.
The program was formulated against the backdrop of high demand among reservists: In the latest "Discount Apartment" lottery, 25,354 reservists registered, of whom 4,734 won. Under the program, approximately 20,000 housing solutions will be added for reservists across the country during the years 2026-2027, including about 16,000 apartments under the ‘Target Price’ program and about 4,000 plots for ground-adjacent construction.
As part of the Target Price lotteries, priority for reservists will be expanded from 50% to 75% of the apartments, with an additional 25% allocated with preference for combat reservists. The discount on purchasing an apartment will amount to over NIS 500,000.
In addition, benefits for reservists purchasing plots for ground-adjacent construction in National Priority Areas A will be expanded, granting a full exemption from payment for the value of the land (excluding development costs).
The move is intended to significantly expand the supply of housing solutions for reservists and provide a response to those who have borne the burden throughout the years of war, by increasing the number of apartments and plots made available to them and deepening the benefits granted to them.
(All remarks have been translated from Hebrew.)
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu:
"Our heroic reservists give everything for the country, and they deserve everything. To date, the government has transferred, either through Government decisions or legislation, a massive sum of NIS 25 billion to the reservists and their families as well. And today we are bringing more news about massive support in housing. The Government is going to instruct the Land Authority, and the Housing Minister will speak about this shortly. We are going to instruct to provide either land for free in Priority Area A, or discounts of up to NIS 500,000. That is over NIS 500,000 in the Target Price program. This is huge news for 20,000 reservists who are without housing. They will be able to access and receive these things either this year, 2026, or by the year 2027. There has never been anything like this. It is about time."
Minister of Construction and Housing Chaim Katz: "A month ago, we concluded a 'Discount Apartment' lottery, to which 25,000 reservists registered and about 4,000 of them won. We decided to make another 20,000 apartments available to the reservists, over 4,000 of which already this year and another 10,000 in 2027, with each of the winners enjoying a discount of over NIS 500,000. Those who gave must also know how to receive, and the state will give back to its reservists, because they are the main resource we have today."
Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich: "From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions. Following the discounts and priority for reservists, we have made a significant decision together with the Prime Minister and the Housing Minister, according to which all reservists without housing who applied for the 'Discount Apartment' lottery will receive an apartment. Dear reservists - you deserve this."
https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/431459
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-905024
Reservists to be granted increased housing benefits under new government plan
"From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions," Smotrich said.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Construction and Housing Minister Haim Katz, and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced a new program on Sunday to help IDF reservists find affordable housing, a joint statement announced.
The program, titled "From Reserve Duty to a Key," is meant to expand housing benefits and provide approximately 20,000 housing solutions, including 16,000 apartments, in the years 2026 and 2027.
One feature of the program is increased priority in apartment discount lotteries. In the latest iteration of the lotteries, 25,354 reservists participated, of which 4,734 won. The percentage of reservist winners will increase, and the discount given will amount to more than NIS 500,000, the government said.
Katz praised the discount lottery system, saying that another 20,000 units would be added to the pool.
"Those who gave must also know how to receive," he said, adding that "the state will give back to its reservists, because they are the main resource we have today."
'Heroic reservists' deserve benefits, housing minister says
Reservists who wish to construct housing will also receive increased benefits, and will be exempted from payment for the value of the land.
Meant to "expand the supply of housing solutions for reservists," Netanyahu praised the initiative as a historic move.
"Our heroic reservists give everything for the country, and they deserve everything," he said.
"To date, the government has transferred, either through Government decisions or legislation, a massive sum of NIS 25 billion to the reservists and their families as well. And today we are bringing more news about massive support in housing."
"There has never been anything like this. It is about time."
Smotrich described the plan as only a part of a greater show of appreciation for the country's soldiers.
"From the very first day of the war, we have been wrapping IDF fighters and commanders, in both regular and reserve service, in a huge umbrella of billions upon billions," he said.
"Following the discounts and priority for reservists, we have made a significant decision together with the prime minister and the housing minister, according to which all reservists without housing who applied for the "Discount Apartment" lottery will receive an apartment. Dear reservists – you deserve this."
