Monday, 31 August 2020

 

Farm attack, woman assaulted, tied up, home raided, Skeerpoort

Oorgrens veiligheid

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Farm attack, woman assaulted, tied up, home raided, Skeerpoort
Farm attack, woman assaulted, tied up, home raided, Skeerpoort

A farm attack took place on 30 August 2020, at 19:00 in Skeerpoort, near Hartebeespoort Dam, in the North West province of South Africa. A woman had gone outside to check on her horses when she was overpowered and assaulted by three attackers. The attackers then tied her up and raided her home stealing cigarettes, liquor and money.

They then took her vehicle and on leaving the property smashed into a tree. They then fled further on foot. The woman only managed to free herself four hours later at 23:00. A neighbour, who heard her cries for help, called for assistance.

The woman was not seriously injured but very severely traumatized. There is no other information available at this stage. Police are investigating but there have been no arrests.

https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/north-west/farm-attack-woman-assaulted-tied-up-home-raided-skeerpoort/

Settlements: Calamity or Fulfillment?

August 30, 2020 1:25 pm
by Jerold Auerbach
www.algemeiner.com


OPINION

 A general view picture shows a construction site in Efrat, in the Gush Etzion settlement bloc in the West Bank, Jan. 28, 2020. Photo: Reuters / Ronen Zvulun / File.


Benjamin Kerstein has been commended as “one of the finest American-Israeli authors of his generation.” But his recent Algemeiner critique — “Zionism, Messianism and the Question of the Settlements” — is unpersuasive.

Kerstein understands that Israeli settlers are not monolithic: they “represent a diverse and complex society-within-a-society.” They range from ordinary Israelis who, like generations of Zionists before them, have built communities in the Biblical Land of Israel, to “true believers” who are “often terrifyingly sure of themselves.” Their “remarkable success story” might best be understood as the fulfillment of the Zionist dream. Yet he identifies with those “who view the movement with skepticism at best and open hostility at worst.”

Kerstein knows that Judea and Samaria (Jordan’s “West Bank” until the Six-Day War) comprised “the heartland of the ancient Jewish kingdoms; it is integral to the Jewish people’s biblical inheritance … and our presence there is as indigenous as one could possibly imagine.” He recognizes settlers as “people of considerable integrity” who “are willing to put their lives in danger for what they believe in.” That seems like a compelling argument for an embrace of the historic Land of Israel and its bold and courageous Jewish residents.

Yet for Kerstein there are “very legitimate reasons to be skeptical of and even hostile toward the settlement movement.” Least persuasive is his discomfort that “essentially the entire world considers the settlements illegal.” (Who cares?) But “the most troubling aspect of the settlement movement” is its “ferociously messianic passion” of the kind that has sprinkled Jewish history with “horrifically destructive” consequences. Among the “terrible horrors,” he rightly identifies “Baruch Goldstein’s slaughter of 29 innocent Muslims” in the Machpelah shrine (1994), reinforced by “the Kahanist ideologues of Hebron” who “reject Israeli democracy.”


But Kerstein ignores the reality that the overwhelming majority of the nearly 450,000 settlers are normal Israelis who, as Zionists have always done, built communities in the Biblical homeland of the Jewish people. The settlement blocs with the largest number of Israeli residents feature universities, yeshivas, scientific laboratories, high-rise apartments and shopping centers. It is inconceivable that they would be ever be abandoned by their residents or evicted by the Israeli government.

That leaves Kerstein’s primary targets: the “messianic fanatics” of Hebron and neighboring Kiryat Arba (Biblical Hebron) who reject democracy and advocate “a theocratic state.” But Baruch Goldstein’s horrific massacre of Muslims at prayer in Me’arat ha’Machpelah — the ancient burial site of Jewish patriarchs and matriarchs — remains the tragic exception. Hebron Jews, numbering fewer than 1,000, have far more often been the targets of Palestinian terrorism than perpetrators of violence.

While researching the history of Hebron, the repository of Jewish memory rooted in the Biblical narrative, I met with the trilogy of Israelis who were the founding fathers of the restored community following the Six-Day War: Rabbis Moshe Levinger and Eliezer Waldman and lawyer Elyakim Ha’etzni. They were not “messianic fanatics”; they were passionate Zionists determined to restore Jewish life in the holy Jewish city that was the first capital of ancient Israel under King David’s rule. Other Hebron and Kiryat Arba residents, especially my guide David Wilder, were welcoming, generous with their time, and patiently answered my questions.

Kerstein’s “messianic fanatics” turned out to be passionate Israelis who — like secular Zionists — were determined to return to the Biblical homeland of the Jewish people. They neither rejected Israeli democracy, as he writes, nor did they advocate “a theocratic state.” Their “apocalyptic messianism,” in translation, was devotion to the restoration of Jewish national sovereignty — also known as Zionism.

For Kerstein, however, Jewish settlers — not only in Hebron — are an unwelcome intrusion into the “overwhelmingly Arab” West Bank. So, too, were the early waves of Zionist settlers who returned to their promised land. They were vastly outnumbered by Arab residents (not yet self-identified as “Palestinians”) who — often violently — resisted their presence. Arab rioting in 1921 that killed 47 Jewish “settlers” in Tel Aviv hardly would have justified the abandonment of Zionism — in the city where Kerstein lives.

Kerstein is, of course, entitled to be “a strong skeptic of the settlement movement.” But he recognizes that it has “won” its struggle to establish “a permanent presence in the West Bank.”
 Settlements, he realizes, “are not going anywhere, and we must make some kind of peace with that.” Perhaps the most appropriate expression of peace would be acceptance of the reality that the settlers’ “permanent presence” represents the fulfillment of Zionism: the restoration of Jewish sovereignty in the Biblical homeland of the Jewish people.

Jerold S. Auerbach is the author of Hebron Jews: Memory and Conflict in the Land of Israel (2009).

Sunday, 30 August 2020

 

South Africa: Farm murder, man bludgeoned and stabbed to death, wife assaulted, tied up, Summerveld

Oorgrens veiligheid

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Farm murder, man bludgeoned and stabbed to death, wife assaulted, tied up, Summerveld
Farm murder, man bludgeoned and stabbed to death, wife assaulted, tied up, Summerveld

A farm murder took place on 27 August 2020, at 20:30 on a property in Summerveld, near Hillcrest, in the KwaZulu-Natal province of South Africa. Five attackers forced the door of the farm house open and attacked a couple. The man (63) was assaulted, tied up, then bludgeoned and stabbed repeatedly, he died on the scene. The man had tried in vain to fight off the attackers before he was overpowered. His wife was also assaulted and then tied up.

Later the woman managed to untie her hands, press the panic alarm and crawl outside for help. A neighbour heard her calls and in turn phoned the local security who responded.

The attackers fled after the attack with a television, two cellphones and a firearm.

Police are investigating the attack. There is no other information available at this stage and there have been no arrests.

https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/kwazulu-natal/farm-murder-man-bludgeoned-and-stabbed-to-death-wife-assaulted-tied-up-summerveld/

 

South Africa: Farm attack, man lured out of his home, shot twice, Gerhardsville

Oorgrens veiligheid

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Farm attack, man lured out of his home, shot twice, Gerhardsville
Farm attack, man lured out of his home, shot twice, Gerhardsville

A farm attack took place on 29 August 2020, at 21:00, in Gerhardsville, near Centurion, Pretoria, in the Gauteng province of South Africa. A man, Stan, went outside to investigate after the fence alarm was activated. He was shot by an attacker in the leg and pelvis.

The man was evacuated to a local hospital by a Netcare911 helicopter. There were three attackers on the property and after the shooting they fled. There is no other information available at this stage. Police are investigating but there have been no arrests.

https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/gauteng/farm-attack-man-lured-out-of-his-home-shot-twice-gerhardsville/

 

South Africa: Double farm murder: Couple attacked and shot to death, Normandien

Oorgrens veiligheid

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Double farm murder: Couple attacked and shot to death, Normandien. Photo: Oorgrens Veiligheid
Double farm murder: Couple attacked and shot to death, Normandien. Photo: Oorgrens Veiligheid

A double farm murder took place on 29 August 2020, at 22:00 on a farm in Normandien, 34 kilometres from Newcastle, in the KwaZulu-Natal province of South Africa. A couple, Glen Rafferty (63) and his wife Wida Homan Rafferty (60) were attacked when they arrived home from visiting friends in Newcastle. An unknown number of attackers shot Glen and Wida numerous times. One of their dogs was also found shot dead next to Glen.

The couple were discovered when a routine patrol of a local farm watch came across the bodies at 05:30 on the morning of 30 August 2020. It seems that the attackers had gained entry to the home via the back door, and waited for the couple to return home.

After the brutal killing of this innocent couple, the attackers ransacked the home and fled the scene in the couple’s vehicle which was later found abandoned near Ladysmith. However nothing, other than a DVR, was stolen, even the couple’s phones were recovered which is a clear indication that this was a planned terrorist attack and blatant hate crime.

There is no other information available at this stage. Police are investigating. There have been no arrests.

https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/kwazulu-natal/double-farm-murder-couple-attacked-and-shot-to-death-normandien/

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Canadian commitment to Mali questioned as coup ushers in new era

By Lee Berthiaume, The Canadian Press — Aug 29 2020
https://www.nationalnewswatch.com/2020/08/29/canadian-commitment-to-mali-questioned-as-coup-ushers-in-new-era/#.X0oqCNxKiUl

Added by CC one of a number of Canadian gold mines in Mali (Malartic mine)

OTTAWA — When armed soldiers arrested Mali's embattled president earlier this month and forced him to resign on television in a coup that has been widely condemned by the international community, Canada was among those to speak out in unequivocal terms.

"Canada strongly condemns the coup d'etat in Mali," Foreign Affairs Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne said in a statement on Aug. 19, using diplomatic language usually reserved for only the most serious denunciations.

The minister went on to promise that Canada would work closely with West African countries, the African Union and United Nations to return Mali to civilian rule and continue implementation of a peace deal that ostensibly ended a civil war in 2014.

Champagne's statement largely reflected the priorities of not only Canada but much of the global community in Mali: maintaining peace and stability in a part of the world where war and instability could have serious ramifications for Africa and the West.

Yet there is a sense that despite sending hundreds of peacekeepers to Mali and investing hundreds of millions in assistance in the country in recent years, Canada has become largely disengaged from it thanks to a lack of political will and interest.

"It's kind of a token involvement," said Bruno Charbonneau, an expert on Mali at the Royal Military College Saint-Jean. "You throw money at the thing and hope it sticks somewhere, it has an impact. The political interest or will from Ottawa is not really there."

Mali has teetered on the edge of instability since 2012, when the country's military launched its first coup even as nomadic rebels in the north supported by jihadists linked to al-Qaeda rebelled against the government in Bamako.

Civilian rule was eventually restored and a peace agreement between the Malian government and rebel groups signed ending the rebellion, but the country continued to be riven by intercommunal divisions and violence as well as rampant corruption.

The coup on Aug. 18 that saw president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita arrested and forced to resign was an "exclamation point" or culmination of all those factors coming together, said Jonathan Sears, an expert on Mali at the University of Winnipeg.

In an interview with The Canadian Press last week, Champagne said the federal government was rethinking its relationship and support for Mali in light of the coup. But he insisted Canada could not and would not simply walk away from the country.

Canada has a long history in Mali. Not only has the West African nation been a top recipient of Canadian foreign aid for most of the past 50 years, it has also been home to a large number of Canadian-backed mines for gold and other precious minerals.

Canada's most visible contribution to Mali in recent years, however, was the yearlong deployment starting in August 2018 of hundreds of peacekeepers to provide helicopter-borne medical evacuation and logistical support to the United Nations.

Yet the UN had to practically arm twist Canada into the mission and the federal Liberal government resisted repeated requests for Canadian troops to stay longer, all of which was seen as a signal of its lack of real interest in the country.

Two years later, Canada has 10 military officers working at the UN mission headquarters in Bamako and five police officers helping train local security forces — far fewer police officers than the 20 that were promised in 2018.

While the European Union on Wednesday elected to suspend its own military and police training missions due to the coup, it wasn't immediately clear whether the UN — including Canadian troops and police — would be following suit.

"Canadian officials are continuously monitoring the situation, but no change to police deployments to Mali are envisaged at this time," RCMP spokeswoman Robin Percival said in an email.

Meanwhile, Mali remains one of Canada's top aid recipients; the West African nation has received more than $1.6 billion since 2000, according to the federal government, including almost $140 million in 2018-19.

But while Sears says that money is making a difference to some communities, his concern is that Canada is not doing enough to address the more foundational issues afflicting Mali.

Those include the numerous internal divisions that are contributing to the growing instability and violence plaguing Mali, as well as the growing disillusionment with the country's governing class due to corruption and other challenges.

"They've kind of enabled individuals in communities to cope with the larger structural problems," Sears said of Canadian projects in Mali. "But these small successes actually kind of further entrench the larger problems."

Even before the coup, some critics, such as former Canadian diplomat Louise Ouimet, had started to question the degree to which Canada was really helping Mali as it struggles to overcome its longstanding problems and chart a sustainable path forward.

"My country, Canada, seems absent from the discussions in Bamako, at least the media do not report it, while Mali has been an important country for international co-operation for more than 40 years," Ouimet wrote in an online post last month.

Mali isn't the only place where the government is facing questions; the federal Liberals have been accused of largely ignoring international affairs and faced calls for a foreign-policy review after Canada lost its UN Security Council bid in June.

Charbonneau said it would be unfair to blame a lack of Canadian involvement or interest in Mali for this month's coup, which some are hoping will finally pave the way for real reform in Bamako and usher in a new era of peace and stability for the country.

"Having said that, I have made the point that Canada should have taken much more of a leadership role in Mali, which they didn't obviously," he said. "There needs to a discussion about the approach that people are taking and have taken in Mali."

For his part, Sears is hoping Canada will step up and be among those preaching patience as the international community pushes for a return to civilian rule amid fears that a vacuum could lead to more instability and violence and empower jihadist groups.

"I'd like to see Canada be a voice for not rushing transition," he said. "Because my concern is we're going to reproduce most of the flaws of the previous transition and not really take into account some of the problems that have gotten worse since 2013."


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