Thursday, 12 September 2024

Cancelling Chaucer


University Chaucer lecturer loses job amid row over 'decolonising of the curriculum' wins more than £70,000 for unfair dismissal 

A university lecturer who was made redundant after she became embroiled in a row over 'decolonising the curriculum', with the university abandoning the study of Chaucer, has won more than £70,000 for unfair dismissal.

Dr Anne Marie D'Arcy fell out with the University of Leicester when she suspected bosses wanted to stop students being taught the 14th century Canterbury Tales poet, an employment tribunal heard.

At a hearing Dr D'Arcy - an expert on Chaucer - accused the institution's vice-chancellor Professor Nishan Canagarajah of saying he wanted to 'decolonise' the curriculum and introduce 'non-culturally British sources' into the English department.

Experienced Dr D'Arcy, who taught Medieval and Early Modern English Literature, lost her job in May 2021.

14th century English poet and author, Geoffrey Chaucer (pictured), is best known for The Canterbury Tales

14th century English poet and author, Geoffrey Chaucer (pictured), is best known for The Canterbury Tales

Now, she has successfully sued the university for unfair dismissal after the tribunal awarded her £72,487 in compensation.

The hearing in Leicester was told Dr D'Arcy, who is Irish, specialised in Chaucer - often called 'the father of English literature' - and that her research was 'excellent'.

In the summer of 2020, new vice-chancellor Prof Canagarajah conducted a 'strategic review' to try to secure 'stability' for the English department.

However, it led to Dr D'Arcy accusing him of trying to get rid of Chaucer.

'In the hearing Dr D'Arcy raised the issue that Professor Canagarajah had said he wanted to 'decolonise' the curriculum, which was explained to mean less or no focus on e.g. Chaucer and more focus on English Literature from a wider range of non-culturally British sources,' the tribunal said.

At a hearing Dr D'Arcy - an expert on Chaucer - accused the institution's vice-chancellor Professor Nishan Canagarajah (pictured) of saying he wanted to 'decolonise' the curriculum and introduce 'non-culturally British sources' into the English department

At a hearing Dr D'Arcy - an expert on Chaucer - accused the institution's vice-chancellor Professor Nishan Canagarajah (pictured) of saying he wanted to 'decolonise' the curriculum and introduce 'non-culturally British sources' into the English department 

At a meeting in October 2020, the possibility of 'slimming down' the department was raised, leading to Dr D'Arcy becoming upset.

'The effect of this thought on Dr D'Arcy was significant', the report said.

Seven English lecturers and three Medieval Literature lecturers were at risk of losing jobs.

Rumours of 'decolonising' the curriculum were leaked to the press.

Dr Anne Marie D'Arcy fell out with the University of Leicester (pictured) when she suspected bosses wanted to stop students being taught the 14th century Canterbury Tales poet amid a huge shake-up, an employment tribunal heard

Dr Anne Marie D'Arcy fell out with the University of Leicester (pictured) when she suspected bosses wanted to stop students being taught the 14th century Canterbury Tales poet

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-13833285/University-Chaucer-lecturer-redundant-amid-row-decolonising-curriculum-wins-70-000-unfair-dismissal-tribunal-says-no-evidence-cultural-cancellation.html

Welcome to the University of WOKE! Leicester has ditched Chaucer, is 'decolonising' its syllabus and marks 'International Womxn's Week'... no wonder it's turning into a first-class failure

Even though it may not boast any dreaming spires or belong to the Russell Group of leading universities, there was a time not so very long ago when Leicester University punched well above the weight of its provincial rivals.

Named Britain’s ‘University of the Year’ in 2008, with a heritage that encompassed great thinkers such as novelist Malcolm Bradbury, a former student, poet Philip Larkin, one of its old librarians, and Sir David Attenborough, who lived on the attractive campus as a child, it was home to nearly 23,000 students.

Exactly a decade ago, Leicester came 17th in the Guardian University Guide’s national league tables, and was also top university for ‘student satisfaction’ outside Oxbridge.

In a bullish Annual Report, titled ‘Elite without being Elitist’, Leicester outlined a grand plan to become ‘an established top ten UK university’, as well as the best in the country for ‘teaching quality’ within a few years.

The document announced an ‘ambitious £1billion investment plan’ to build state-of-the-art new facilities that would ‘allow student numbers to grow to 25,000’.

That was then. But things didn’t exactly work out. Today Leicester is ranked a lowly 77th out of the UK’s 121 universities, according to the most recent Guardian league table.

Its latest Annual Report, covering the 2018/19 academic year, shows that student numbers have dropped to 18,338 and are falling by around 4 per cent annually. The intake was a mere 2,855, down from 3,668 a year earlier, while the overall number of international students dropped from 5,384 to 4,902.

However, one of the few fields where Leicester University does appear to be excelling is that of political correctness. Here, it is truly world-beating. Indeed, against stiff opposition, one might justifiably declare this humble seat of learning to be Britain’s most ‘woke’ university.

Take, for example, this week’s kerfuffle involving Leicester’s once-esteemed English Literature department. On Wednesday, staff were abruptly told by their superiors that they want to drop Geoffrey Chaucer and other great medieval writers from the syllabus.

Apparently, these titans of English literature are no longer deemed to be worth studying. Instead, management used an email to outline proposals to create a curriculum devoted to ‘diversity’. 

The highly controversial plans mean that tutors who specialise in the 14th-century writer, widely known as the ‘father of English poetry’, now face redundancy, as potentially do colleagues who teach such apparently unfashionable texts as Beowulf, Milton’s Paradise Lost, and Sir Gawain And The Green Knight.

The work of John Donne and Christopher Marlowe will also reportedly be side-lined.

In their place will come a diverse array of modern writers, many of whom cover such modish topics as race relations and feminism.

This will allow Leicester’s new-look English course to cover what the email describes as: ‘a chronological literary history, a selection of modules on race, ethnicity, sexuality and diversity, a decolonised curriculum, and new employability modules’.

This apparently is what today’s young students, who must pay fees of around £10,000 a year to study English at Leicester, ‘expect’.

Leicester has named two of the writers who will remain on the curriculum as the African-American novelists Toni Morrison and Colson Whitehead.

Education Secretary Gavin Williamson this week accused the university of ‘absolute madness’, while even the ultra-liberal University and College Union dubbed the plans ‘short-sighted and intellectually void’.

As historian Ian Mortimer argued in these pages yesterday, Geoffrey Chaucer may not have shared modern attitudes to race, sexuality, or gender, but his work was actually highly progressive for its era — the Wife of Bath, for example, is often dubbed the first feminist icon.

But we digress. For this week’s absurd row was not an isolated incident. And neither did it occur by accident. Instead, Geoffrey Chaucer appears to represent the first major casualty in an ill-thought-out campaign by Leicester’s £250,000-a-year vice-chancellor Professor Nishan Canagarajah to ‘decolonise’ the curriculum.

He arrived in November 2019, and promptly undertook a trendy rebranding exercise in which Leicester adopted a new PR slogan: ‘Citizens of Change’. The term is now plastered across university literature and social media channels, where it is often used in place of the term ‘students’ to describe undergraduates.

In other words, it repositions Leicester not as an institution of academic excellence but, instead, as sort of happy-clappy teaching ground for tub-thumping campaigners and activists.

A somewhat patronising TV advertisement, launched before Christmas, targets potential new students with the sales pitch: ‘From tackling social inequality to getting everyone to smile more. It doesn’t matter if it’s big or small, make the change that matters to you!’

The opening page of Leicester’s prospectus, meanwhile, now consists of a poem entitled, ‘What Makes a Citizen of Change?’ which describes at length the sort of people it regards as being welcome on campus. This community is, it claims: ‘forward looking… globally connected.. agitators and instigators… diverse in our make-up’.

Last March, the university attracted nationwide ridicule for re-branding International Women’s Day as ‘International Womxn’s Day’, declaring that the term was more friendly to the transgender community.

‘We use the term womxn as a more inclusive spelling of woman that includes any person who identifies as womxn,’ read its newsletter.

Cynics point out that a better way for Leicester to demonstrate its commitment to women’s rights might be to actually pay them the same as men.

According to the university’s most recent gender pay gap report, its female staff currently earn a paltry 82p for every pound their male colleagues take home. Moreover, it reveals that men who work there are nearly 50 per cent more likely than women employees to get a bonus. And when they do, that bonus tends to be 66 per cent bigger.

Then, at the height of Black Lives Matter protests, Professor Canagarajah gave a prominent interview to the Press Association in which he declared that universities must do more to ‘diversify’ their workforce and recruit more staff and students from ethnic minorities. There’s still more work to be done to truly decolonise the curriculum.’

‘The English BA at Leicester has been changed to include more diverse texts and authors set and written in countries across the world. The reading list now includes Giovanni’s Room by James Baldwin, Wide Sargasso Sea by Jean Rhys and NW by Zadie Smith.’

English isn’t the only field in which Leicester started to make headline-grabbing contributions to the culture wars, either. On the history front, to cite another topical example, the university took the helm of the National Trust’s highly controversial ‘Colonial Countryside’ programme, which has seen it invite teams of schoolchildren into its properties to lecture staff and visitors about the horrors of the British Empire.

Leicester’s contribution to the programme is led by Professor Corinne Fowler, a Left-wing academic who appears to devote a hefty and perhaps unhealthy portion of her free time to picking arguments on Twitter.

As the Mail recently disclosed, her attitude to rural Britain is perhaps evident from the title of her recent book, Green Unpleasant Land, which dubs the countryside ‘a terrain of inequalities’ and suggests gardening and botany are racist because, ‘the scientific categorisation of plants has at times engaged in the same hierarchies of “race” that justified empire and slave and slavery’.

The book also portrays pheasants as symbols of cultural appropriation, and declares the blackening of faces by some Morris dancing troupes to be ‘a potent symbol of rural racism’.

Professor Fowler edited the National Trust’s provocative and error-strewn ‘gazetteer’, detailing alleged links between its properties and colonialism. It named and shamed the former home of William Wordsworth, even though he was a lifelong campaigner against slavery, on the grounds that his brother once sailed to the Far East; as well as those of Rudyard Kipling because he wrote about the British Empire; and Winston Churchill, whose entry managed to ignore his achievement in saving the world from the Nazi holocaust.

The text angered not only a swathe of the Trust’s members and natural supporters, but also the descendants of many of Britain’s landed families, who argued that it falsely claimed their ancestral fortunes had been built on the proceeds of slavery.

Some, perhaps facetiously, wondered why a blue-chip heritage charity with billions of pounds in assets ought to be entrusting such an important research project not to Oxford or Cambridge, but instead to an establishment whose history department is currently ranked 73rd in the UK, behind the likes of Canterbury Christ Church, Edge Hill and Greenwich.

There may be further choppy waters ahead. For as the topical saying goes, people who choose to go ‘woke’ often seem to end up going broke.

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9177639/Leicester-ditched-Chaucer-marks-International-Womxns-Week-no-wonder-failing.html

Why Chaucer is still a tale for our times: As woke academics banish the famed poet from a 'decolonised' syllabus, a top historian says the writer's stories of love, lust and greed are as relevant today as they were seven centuries ago

  • Leicester University courses featuring The Canterbury Tales and Beowulf are under threat
  • Historian Ian Mortimer is dismayed the university is proposing replacement modules focused on race and sexuality in a new, 'decolonised' curriculum
  • Mortimer says he finds the proposals 'not only depressing but profoundly wrong'

The poet W.H. Auden said that to understand your own country, you ought to have lived in at least two others.

As a historian, I've taken a different tack: to show readers what life was like for people living in the 14th century; in Elizabethan England; during the Restoration of 1660; and the Regency some 160 years later.

That way, I believe, we might be able to see our own lives and times in a different and revealing light.

When I was researching my 'guide' to medieval England, no writer brought to life that period as richly and vividly as Geoffrey Chaucer, father of English literature and the greatest poet of the Middle Ages.

Which is why I read with such dismay that a British university is now proposing to stop teaching Chaucer and his great medieval contemporaries to English literature students — indeed, to stop teaching all literature before 1500AD — in favour of modules on race and sexuality in a new, 'decolonised' curriculum.

If this goes ahead, out will go Chaucer's magnificent Canterbury Tales, along with the epic poem Beowulf, Viking sagas and texts covering the legend of King Arthur.

They will be replaced with a 'selection of employability modules' and a 'chronological literary history', as outlined by the University of Leicester's management.

Thank goodness that Shakespeare — born in 1564 — still makes the cut!

I find these proposals not only depressing but profoundly wrong — as well as incredibly short-sighted and counter-productive.

For no one understood both his own era and the human condition better than Geoffrey Chaucer.

His endlessly fertile imagination held up a light to his society — and, as anyone who reads him now discovers, it can still do the same today.

Chaucer — who led a fascinating life as MP, courtier, diplomat and civil servant — set in motion through his poetry a brilliant tradition.

If this goes ahead, out will go Chaucer's magnificent Canterbury Tales, along with the epic poem Beowulf (pictured: first folio of epic poem), Viking sagas and texts covering the legend of King Arthur

Out will go Chaucer's magnificent Canterbury Tales, along with the epic poem Beowulf (pictured: first folio of epic poem), Viking sagas and texts covering the legend of King Arthur

Unlike most educated people, he wrote not in Latin or French, but proudly in English: the language spoken by ordinary people.

In doing so, he captured the voices of characters who, while six centuries old, even now leap vividly from the page.

The Canterbury Tales, his greatest work, describes a group of pilgrims, of all social classes, who are travelling to the Kent town together and who tell stories to pass the time.

The best storyteller, they agree, will win a prize at the end.

These men and women may be pilgrims, but as Chaucer shows us, they are as much interested in the earthly as the celestial.

There's scandalous extra-marital sex (including, at one point, up a tree), prostitution (a monk is the procurer), scatology and other shocking vulgarity — but there's plenty of nuance, too.

Chaucer, the Father of English Literature

Geoffrey Chaucer (c. 1342 - 1400) ranks alongside William Shakespeare as one the most important poets of the English language.

His masterpiece, The Canterbury Tales, is considered one of the first works of modern English, marking a shift from the Old English which preceded the Middle Ages.

For this reason he is described as 'the first finder of our language.' 

The Canterbury Tales was hugely popular in Medieval England because it was one of the few works which was written in English rather than French - the language of the ruling classes.

Chaucer's poem follows a group of pilgrims on their way from London to Canterbury to visit the shrine of Saint Thomas Becket at the cathedral.

The pilgrims, including Chaucer himself, have a story-telling contest on their way to Canterbury and their 24 stories form the basis of the narrative. 

The enduring popularity of the work is testament to the humour - often bawdy, the characters and the vivid descriptions of the various social groups from knights to cooks.

Pilgrims tell tales of varying tones, some are pious and witty, others are vulgar and comic.  

Chaucer originally planned to write more than a hundred tales but only completed 24.

In surviving copies the stories appear in various orders with the Hengwrt manuscript, held in the National Library of Wales, considered to be the most accurate.

Chaucer was born in London, his father was a wine maker as per family tradition. 

In addition to his literature, Chaucer contributed to society as a courtier, diplomat and civil servant and was the trusted aide of three successive kings: Edward III, Richard II and Henry IV. 

In 1994, literary critic Harold Bloom placed Chaucer among the greatest Western writers of all time.  

Such is the respect for the writer, he was first person to be buried in Westminster Abbey's Poets' Corner. 

The unforgettable Wife of Bath holds her own among the bickering pilgrims and, insisting loudly on her independence, refuses to play along with the sexist customs of her society.

Like Dickens, Chaucer was a genius who could look at the people around him and capture their essence in a few short words.

The vivid historical details are compelling. From his Shipman's Tale I learnt how high-ranking guests would tip their host's lowliest servant.

From his Reeve's Tale, I learnt even a mean-spirited miller would offer penniless students a bed for the night if they had nowhere else to go — even though it meant them sharing a room with the miller and his family.

But Chaucer also explores the timeless passions and foibles of men and women. How so? Well, those ungrateful students in The Reeve's Tale go on to seduce the miller's wife and daughter.

In The Knight's Tale, two great men, heroes of their time, are drawn into a violent duel over a woman — a shared passion as old as humanity.

Quite simply, all human life is here — and it transcends time. What is that if not 'diversity'?

Too many cultural commentators and young people — and university departments — seem to think diversity is a new phenomenon. But we've been diversifying since the dawn of time.

And what about the Anglo-Saxon epic poem Beowulf which has also fallen foul of the 'decolonists'. Centuries before the Lord Of The Rings and Game Of Thrones caught our imagination, Beowulf explored the same bloody territory — and in far richer fashion.

Now, this world of wonder for literature students is to be abolished and replaced with contemporary 'social' concerns. It is deeply and fatally misguided.

How can we deny our undergraduates the opportunity to study this beautiful, enriching, funny, poignant — and often very rude — literary heritage, and insist modern societal controversies are more important?

I am all for taking a fresh look at the way English literature is taught, and I wholly endorse widening the 'canon' so that more writers from BAME backgrounds are taught — not to mention more women authors.

But I cannot shake off the feeling that this latest announcement is a poorly thought-out attempt to appeal to the sensibilities of a generation raised on modern and often febrile debates over issues such as race and gender.

Why else would the staff of Leicester's English department have been told that 'students expect' modules to be chosen not for their history, their significance or how much thought and feeling they might provoke — but how 'diverse' they are?

Is it really up to undergraduates to dictate academic syllabuses?

Isn't the point of university that you learn something new — not have your prejudices, and we all have those, confirmed? 

But I cannot shake off the feeling that this latest announcement is a poorly thought-out attempt to appeal to the sensibilities of a generation raised on modern and often febrile debates over issues such as race and gender. Pictured: The University of Leicester

But I cannot shake off the feeling that this latest announcement is a poorly thought-out attempt to appeal to the sensibilities of a generation raised on modern and often febrile debates over issues such as race and gender. Pictured: The University of Leicester

Little wonder that there is now real panic in academia — from the dreaming spires to the red-bricks — as dons fear being dragooned into introducing courses that conform ever more closely to modern preferences.

Chaucer is just the latest victim. From race to gender and sexuality, we are increasingly failing to understand or even study the beliefs and attitudes of the past, however much we might disagree with them today.

Instead, ideas, people and even history itself are being 'cancelled', banned from even being discussed as if they never existed at all.

The truth is that it is only by embracing our literary heritage that we can see how much our human nature has in fact stayed much the same — from Beowulf to Harry Potter.

Our opinions on individual social issues might shift: the Regency, for example, was more drunken than the Victorian age that followed it, and some TV sitcoms from the 1970s would never be aired today.

But all human beings have loved, felt anger, jealousy, greed and fear, bickered with their families, suffered loss and wanted safety, health and prosperity for their children.

Chaucer underlines all this as well as anyone else — often as the first expressing it in written English.

Universities need to learn a lesson from history. Looking at society purely in the present moment is not enough.

You need to go back and hear the voices of the past. Though they may be very different from ours, they still have much to teach us.

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9174027/As-academics-banish-Chaucer-syllabus-historian-says-poets-work-relevant.html


Wednesday, 11 September 2024

Why Hamas will never keep its agreements

The futility of Israeli concessions

Why an Israeli agreement on ceasefire would never be honored by its Jihadist foes.


Though there are many reasons why Israel’s enemies would never honor a cease fire agreement for Gaza, one reason is primal, overriding and immutable. Because Israel is a Jewish state, any concessionary commitments by Jerusalem would automatically be deemed invalid by these enemies. For Israel, ipso facto, the only “remedy” for this pre-determined enemy orientation would be to disappear.

Philosophically, it’s not complicated. In essence, these bitter conclusions do not require the multi-layered insights and expertise of authoritative legal scholars. For Iran and its proxies, Israel can never represent more than the individual Jew writ large.

From the standpoint of expected reciprocities, it matters not a bit to Iran, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, etc., if Israel agrees to humanitarian interruptions of belligerency or to conflict-terminating pacts.

For such inherently recalcitrant foes, Muslims are obligated to “fight the Jews, and kill them…”[1] For these self-declared opponents of international law, a Jewish state in the Dar al Islam (the world of Islam) represents an intolerable abomination. For these deceivers, acts of Israeli good-will, however well-intentioned, are always immaterial.

In principle, at least, the grievously lawless enemy postures are fixed and timeless. Per such faith-based postures, anti-Zionism has never been anything more than a transparent form of anti-Judaism. Before Israel could expect tangible relief from jihadist war and terror, it would first have to acknowledge these force-multiplying sources of adversarial loathing.

These sources, prima facie, have nothing to do with Israel being an “aggressor” or “occupier.” By definition, Israel’s signature on cease-fire documents or on “follow on” agreements concerning Palestinian statehood would mean nothing to Jerusalem’s jihadist adversaries, Shiite or Sunni. Nothing at all.

There are variously relevant details. In the Islamic Middle East, doctrinal anti-Semites have steadfastly remained faithful to their most lascivious hatreds. This is because the anti-Semite, individually and collectively, responds not to any genuine qualities of “The Jew” or Jewish State. He responds only to his own personal fears and anxieties.

More generically, as Jean-Paul Sartre explains in Anti-Semite and Jew (1948): "If the Jew did not exist, the anti-Semite would invent him." And further on: “The anti-Semite is a man who is afraid, not of the Jews, to be sure, but of himself, of his own consciousness, of his liberty, of his instincts, of his responsibilities, of solitariness, of change, of society, and of the world - of everything except the Jews.”

For Israelis, the French philosopher’s deeper understandings should not be permitted to fall on deaf ears. Regarding continuous denunciations of Israel’s defense policies, both by conspicuous enemies and self-declared neutrals, truth cannot simply be cast aside for the presumed sake of expedience. To be sure, Israel’s counter-terrorist operations have produced significant civilian casualties in Gaza, but these harms have always been unintentional. In law, they have been the unavoidable result of enemy resorts to “perfidy” or “human shields.”

In stark contrast, the corrosive harms inflicted on innocent Israeli citizens, especially the brutalized and sexually violated October 7 hostages, are the intended result of jihadist criminality. Such overt “criminal intent” is called mens rea.

Iran-backed terror-crimes have nothing to do with Palestinian sovereignty or statehood. For the many wrongdoers, what is actually being sought by way of such crimes are the murderous ecstasies of human barbarism.

On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists gang-raped and tortured male Israelis as well as females, infants and young children as well as adults. As documented by assorted videos, the perpetrators were excited by tangible loathing, especially by the fact that their self-applauded crimes could be committed without ordinary civilizational restraints. Above all else, as “martyrs,” the killers had expected their egregious crimes to spawn “power over death.”

Hamas and related jihadist groups seek to inflict death upon “The Jew” and the “Jewish State” because they obsessively fear “the terrors of the grave.” Unsurprisingly, incomparable cowardice is discoverable in the manipulative behaviors of terrorist leaders like Yahya Sinwar, who cling with desperation to defiling terrestrial lives while encouraging the “martyrdom” of ordinary Palestinian Arabs.

For Sinwar, it’s simple. The deaths and sufferings of Gaza civilians represent “necessary sacrifices.” Ironically, forcing Israeli bombs to create “martyrs” heaps calumny on “The Jew” and gratitude from the manipulated Arabs. Ingeniously, for Yahya Sinwar, it is a perverse behavior that rewards doubly

What is Israel to do? Shall it disregard all reason and accept the unfounded enemy promises of a “cease-fire?” At a minimum, Israelis must finally understand that past is prologue and that high-sounding adversarial assurances are just the latest Islamist correlates of carefully planned extinctions. In these plans, which include effectively one-sided cease-fires, war and terror are the supporting tactics of an incremental genocide. In response, Israel has only one basic obligation: To proceed against its refractory enemies (state and sub-state) with judicious commitments to national power. In turn, these commitments should be based on history, intellect and reason

When Pericles delivered his Funeral Oration with its elaborate praise of Athenian civilization, his perspective was largely military. Recorded by Thucydides, an historian whose main interest was to study the growth and use of power for military objectives, the speeches of Pericles express confidence in an ultimate victory for Athens, but also grave concern for self-imposed setbacks along the way:

"What I fear more than the strategies of our enemies,” says Pericles, “is our own mistakes." Though Pericles exaggerated the separateness of enemy strategies and Athenian mistakes (they were actually interrelated), there is an important lesson for present-day Israel: In observing enemy preparations for war, do not forget that the effectiveness of these preparations must always depend upon Israel's identifiable responses.

In all world politics, but especially in the Middle East, we are present at the gradual unveiling of a secret, one in which the core truth of what is taking place is left unsaid.

For the immediate future, Iran will accelerate its preparations for chemical/biological/nuclear war against the Jewish State. Unaffected by any parallel public commitments to “ceasefires,” these preparations (which might also include electromagnetic pulse weapons or EMP) will proceed on their own track, culminating, if unobstructed, in existential aggressions against a country less than half the size of America’s Lake Michigan.

Moreover, Israel should never close its eyes to the potentially synergistic dangers of Palestinian statehood and war with Iran. To remind, when a strategic military interaction is “synergistic,” the injurious “whole” is greater than the sum of its “parts.” Always, in these interactions, “geometry” should yield to “physics.”

In the final analysis, Israel should acknowledge that a larger and protracted war with Iran is all but inevitable and that this conflict will need to be waged while Iran is still “pre-nuclear.” Regarding prospective cease-fires, present or future, the single greatest danger to Israel will lie in cumulatively overwhelming terrorist harms that could help “birth” a nuclear Iran.

Paradoxically, the ultimate survival task for Israel is not avoiding war with Iran as such, but ensuring that any such engagement is undertaken before that primal enemy becomes operationally nuclear. This is the case whether or not Iran is presumed to be a rational foe.

https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/395976


Tuesday, 10 September 2024

1867: Seward's Folly, How Russia Conned USA into Buying Alaska


Russia’s First Secret Influence Campaign: Convincing the U.S. to Buy Alaska

Russia has been peddling influence for a long time, using a playbook that it still uses today


Signing of the Alaska Purchase Agreement, March 30, 1867


For many Americans, foreign influence-peddling seems like a modern threat. But foreign regimes have attempted to target and sway American policymakers for centuries, going all the way back to the earliest days of the American republic.

It was in the middle of the 19th century that the U.S. saw its first big foreign lobbying scandal — and arguably its most impactful one before 2016. That was when czarist Russia, hoping to unload the giant frozen expanse of Alaska, hatched a scheme to manipulate Washington into buying a territory nobody really wanted. It worked. Not only that, it set a playbook that other dictatorships, including future governments in the Kremlin, would be eager to follow.

In the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, U.S. officials were looking for opportunities to patch the country together. One salve for the nation’s divisions was territorial expansion. As some American officials saw it, if the U.S. could conquer or seize new lands, perhaps it could ignore its domestic disputes, at least for a bit.



             William Seward


Secretary of State William Seward was the most prominent proponent of expansion. And he argued that one region in particular provided the perfect opportunity to not only improve America’s global and economic standing, but to further tether a fractured country together: Alaska.


At the time, the vast expanse we now know as Alaska was a colony of czarist Russia. Indigenous Alaska Natives had suffered for generations at the hands of Russian settlers, using massacre after massacre to cement Russian rule. By the mid-1860s, though, the province was little more than dead weight for the Russian regime. It was too far from Russia’s capital, with too little infrastructure, for the czarist regime to keep pumping it with money and men. And with Russia’s own finances slowly imploding, czarist officials began casting about for someone to take Alaska off their hands.


But there were only so many options. Selling to the British, which still controlled the adjacent Canadian provinces, was a nonstarter; Britain was Russia’s primary colonial rival, and anything that could strengthen London’s hand had to be avoided. The Americans, though, presented an attractive alternative. Selling Alaska to the U.S. would allow Washington to act as a counterweight to British influence in the region. Plus, in Russia’s eyes, America appeared likely to one day conquer the entirety of North America — so why not sell out early, and at least make a little money along the way?

     Alaska in the 1890s


There was only one problem. Few Americans outside of Seward saw any reason to purchase Alaska from the Russians. To many Americans, Russian Alaska in the 1860s — decades before the discovery of the gold and oil that would eventually make Alaska one of the wealthiest American states — was little more than empty tundra. It was an “icebox,” or a “polar bear garden” that the Americans didn’t need. Plus, Washington had more pressing issues, from the military occupation of the former Confederate states to the passage of basic civil rights protections for Black Americans. “American interest in Alaska wobbled between ho-hum interest and disinterest,” one scholar described.


But the Russians couldn’t wait. Selling the province — and persuading the Americans to spend a gargantuan sum on something Washington didn’t want — was one of the easiest ways to help stabilize Russian finances. If only the Americans could be convinced.


And so began one of the most consequential foreign influence-peddling schemes in U.S. history, one with lasting resonance today. Not only did it involve Russia, which is still being accused of surreptitious efforts to affect U.S. politics and policy, but it also demonstrated how easily lobbying can slide from legal to illegal, from attempted persuasion to overt corruption, and how hard the whole nefarious game is to police and combat.


Fortunately for the Russian government, their ambassador in Washington, a man named Edouard de Stoeckl, had an idea for how to circumvent American opposition — without the American populace, or even much of the American government, realizing what was happening.


In 1867, Stoeckl began working. Huddling with Seward, the two hammered out a tentative deal, largely in secret. For $7.2 million in gold (which would be about $160 million in today’s dollars), the U.S. would take Alaska off Russia’s hands. But Seward still needed to overcome congressional opposition, as only Congress could actually appropriate the funds. Nor did the difficulties stop there. Seward’s primary ally, President Andrew Johnson, began facing a tornado of criticism for his racist policies — and suddenly saw himself the target of the country’s first impeachment crisis, which sucked up all of the energies, and all of the focus, in Washington.


                          Stoeckl


By early 1868, Seward’s Alaska deal appeared all but dead, with plenty of American officials publicly airing concerns and questions about why the U.S. needed to spend millions on what was viewed as little more than barren tundra. Which is when Stoeckl stepped in and developed a playbook that would roar back to relevance in the mid-2010s, when Russia once more attempted to direct American policy without anyone realizing what was happening.


First, Stoeckl identified and recruited an American who could help rally the congressional votes to actually fund the purchase. He targeted Robert J. Walker, a former Treasury secretary and senator from Mississippi. To Stoeckl, Walker was someone who could pose as an independent voice to persuade American legislators to back the funding — without anyone realizing that Walker had become a secret mouthpiece for Russia. The Russian official “paid Walker to use his influence wherever and however he could,” wrote Ronald Jensen, whose 1975 book provides the most detailed analysis of the affair.


Walker was happy to oblige. The former senator and White House official began planting anonymous articles with unsuspecting newspapers, including front-page columns denouncing opponents of the projected sale. (Walker, never known for his creativity, signed his anonymous articles as “Alaska.”) He also publicly defended both Stoeckl and the Alaska purchase, predicting “dire consequences” if the purchase fell through. He pushed for the purchase in Washington wherever, and however, he could — and when questioned, Walker denied that any of his efforts ever qualified as what was coming to be known as “lobbying.”


                Robert J. Walker


Walker’s effort, with Stoeckl bankrolling him behind the scenes, appeared to succeed. By the middle of June 1868, enough members of Congress had changed their minds that suddenly, and unexpectedly, the funding measures passed both chambers of Congress and the U.S. saw its second-largest expansion in American history.


In fact, the move was so sudden, and so unexpected, that something seemed off. And soon, details began leaking out confirming opponents’ suspicions. One journalist, Uriah Painter, who wrote for the Philadelphia Inquirer and the New York Sun, reported that thieves in New York had supposedly stolen thousands of dollars from Walker — but when authorities nabbed the thieves, Walker refused to press charges. (A handy move, Painter pointed out, to move money without anyone being able to track its ultimate destination.) Painter also reported that “large sums” from the purchase funds were suddenly missing. Russia still got about $7 million, but as a later write-up in the National Archives detailed, nearly $140,000 of the funds the U.S. had earmarked — the equivalent of about $3 million today — somehow didn’t make it back to the czarist government, and no one seemed to know where the funds had gone. Combined with new rumors of bribery swirling in Congress, all of it pointed to the “biggest lobby swindle ever put up in Washington,” as Painter wrote.


The accusations of financial malfeasance grew so pronounced that Congress opened its first formal investigation into foreign lobbying. And it didn’t take long for congressional investigators to confirm that the entire affair was a swindle and a scandal. And all signs pointed to one inescapable conclusion: bribery and secretive foreign lobbying, all on behalf of Russia.


There was, naturally, one person who could help reveal what happened to the missing money: Stoeckl. Yet by the time congressional investigators discovered the disappearance, the ambassador had himself vanished, heading back to Russia. As Jensen wrote, “The Russian minister was probably the only man who knew the destination of all the missing funds from the Alaska appropriation, and that secret apparently left with him.”


                         The Czar's ratification of the Alaska Purchase


To this day, questions remain about what happened to the missing millions. But as Jensen detailed, there seems one obvious answer. Tucked amid President Johnson’s papers was a memo outlining a conversation the president had with Seward — the man who’d jump-started the Alaska purchase in the first place. As the two sat in a “shady grove,” Seward revealed to the president that Stoeckl himself had “bought the support” of one major newspaper — and that Stoeckl had directly bribed congressional officials to flip their votes, with a total of 10 members of Congress taking Russian funds. Nor were these anonymous officials. Among those bribed to support the Alaska purchase were the “incorruptible” Rep. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, a member of the Radical Republicans and one of the era’s greatest proponents for civil rights protections for Black Americans — and someone who, according to Johnson’s note of his conversation with Seward, took $10,000 to change his vote. For his lobbying work, Walker received north of $20,000, according to various documents, about a half-million in 2024 dollars.


Unfortunately for investigators, even while the bribery became an open secret in Washington, no hard proof ever emerged. Seward denied any knowledge, and Johnson refused to comment publicly. The congressional investigation concluded in frustration. As the committee report found, the investigation ended “barren of affirmative or satisfactorily negative results.”


     Check for $7.2 million for the Alaska Purchase


Still, even as Alaska became part of America proper, investigators wanted to make a stand. Part of the investigative committee chastised Walker “for representing a foreign power without public knowledge,” calling him out for working as an agent for a foreign government. And a few of the investigators even floated a potential solution: banning former American officials outright from ever working as lobbyists for foreign governments. As congressional investigators wrote:

Certainly no man whose former high public position has given him extraordinary influence in the community has the right to sell that influence, the trust and confidence of his fellow-citizens, to a foreign government, or in any case where his own is interested.

As they argued, no American official, once out of office, should work as a foreign lobbyist or a foreign agent for any other government. It was, in many ways, a statement ahead of its time, pointing directly to the kinds of foreign lobbying practices that would emerge in the decades to come. But it was also a statement that gained little notice, and that went nowhere.

And that was it. In this first foreign lobbying scandal in American history — in which a Russian official bribed American legislators and journalists, all while hiring a former high-level American lawmaker to act as his mouthpiece in Washington — no one was found guilty. No one lost their job, or ended up in prison. No one, aside from the Russian official at the center of it, even ended up having the full picture of where all the missing millions ended up.


     Alaska 1895


And maybe that’s understandable. After all, the Alaska purchase is now recognized as one of the great successes of American foreign policy: as a pennies-on-the-dollar purchase of a territory that enhanced American power, American finances, and American influence in ways that are still paying off.


But it was also something else: a story whose lessons, not least as it pertained to foreign lobbying (and bribery) of American officials, were promptly forgottenLessons about how foreign regimes can recruit former U.S. officials and leading media figures to become their mouthpieces. Lessons about how easy it can be to bribe sitting members of Congress, especially when a foreign government is footing the bill. Lessons about just how wide open Washington was, and still is, to these kinds of foreign influence campaigns — and just how much of an outsize role these foreign lobbyists have played in American history and American policy.


It was all a formula that in coming years would only become more and more familiar — and that would, in the 21st century, allegedly stretch all the way from foreign governments to the White House itself.


https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/09/08/russia-secretly-manipulated-congress-00177644